$Unique_ID{bob00171} $Pretitle{} $Title{Denmark The Constitution} $Subtitle{} $Author{Henning Dehn Nielsen} $Affiliation{Ministry of Foreign Affairs} $Subject{denmark danish government copenhagen political social time economic war foreign} $Date{1990} $Log{} Title: Denmark Book: Facts about Denmark Author: Henning Dehn Nielsen Affiliation: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Date: 1990 The Constitution Thus the absolute monarchy was badly eroded by the time revolution spread across the Continent in the early spring of 1848. Schleswig-Holstein interests demanded immediate action, but an ultimatum to the government for a joint constitution for the two duchies was foiled by the Liberal Party in Copenhagen, who without threat of violence urged Frederik VII (1848-63) to abandon absolutism and convene a democratic national assembly to draw up a constitution for the whole country. Insurrection in Schleswig-Holstein sparked off a three-year war. Initially, Prussia lent armed support against Denmark, but as Russia and Austria eventually succeeded in quelling revolution in Central Europe the Schleswig-Holsteiners were left to their own devices and inevitable defeat. A libertarian constitution was drawn up for Denmark in 1849 and signed on June 5. It extended such a broad franchise that overnight Denmark became far and away the most democratic country in Europe. However, a reconstruction of the entire monarchy, where special attention still had to be paid to the great powers, was no easy task for the legislators. Finally, the Liberal Prime Minister C. C. Hall saw no alternative but to provoke a political crisis. Denmark adopted a new constitution that included Denmark and Slesvig but excluded Holstein. Loss of Slesvig As was to be expected, the German Confederation protested and promptly placed Holstein under military occupation. But the Prussian Prime Minister, Otto von Bismarck, considered there were good grounds for declaring war - a struggle in which Denmark was ill-equipped to engage. War did in fact come in February 1864 and lasted only a few months. Slesvig was lost, and for more than fifty years the area remained a German possession, although the population in the northern half of the province managed, despite extremely great difficulties, to keep their Danish language and mental affinity with Denmark alive. Defeat was a bitter pill. As in 1660 and again in 1814, it was a serious and open question whether Denmark could survive as a nation. The National Liberals, who represented chiefly the bourgeoisie of Copenhagen, no longer enjoyed the confidence of the people, and government fell into the hands of the farming population under the leadership of the landowners. A new, more reactionary constitution, consolidating the power of the affluent as rulers of the political scene, was passed in 1886. Economic growth Despite political crisis, Denmark was nevertheless undergoing rapid economic development. The favourable economic winds that had propelled the popular movements in the 1830s persisted. British industrialization resulted in an increase in the demand for Danish agricultural products, especially grain. The steamship boosted foreign trade generally, and a new railway system in Denmark helped to promote business activity. The loss of Holstein, the most industrialized region in the realm, obliged the remainder of the country to increase industrial production. Many light industries and a handful of heavier ones were established, including breweries, sugar refineries, shipyards and cement manufacturing plants, the latter being one of the very few industries for which raw materials could be obtained from the Danish subsoil. Denmark found itself developing its finances, which were controlled for a generation by the banker C.F. Tietgen, and a new proletariat of industrial workers emerged. In 1871 a former officer, Louis Pio, attempted to organize a socialist party. Despite political strife, the post-1864 period was a time of prosperity. In 1882 the world's first cooperative dairy was founded at Hjedding, near Varde in Jutland. This first effort was unsuccessful, but the violent worker demonstrations - repeatedly dispersed by the army - gave the Establishment such a shock that they helped to keep the political situation unchanged for the next thirty years. Agricultural growth. The political cooperation between Denmark's farmers and landowners fell apart during the 1870s, whereupon the farmers created the somewhat amorphous Liberal Party; they felt it was time they themselves took over the reins of power. But the landowners refused to budge, and for two decades, 1875-94, the government was headed by an obstinate landowner, J.B.S. Estrup, who relied occasionally on provisional legislation that had not received the backing of parliament. Steadily, however, the landowners lost their power base; grain exports came to a halt when Russia and the United States took over control of the world market in the 1880s, and Danish agriculture had to switch to processed foods such as bacon and dairy products. Farmers got together to form cooperatives, regional dairies and bacon factories. In effect, agriculture became Denmark's largest industry, and the economic influence gained by the farmers (combined with the high level of organization achieved by the cooperative societies) helped to pave the way to political power. The landowners did their best to postpone the change as long as possible, seeking to bolster their shrinking popularity by, for example, appealing patriotically to the electorate for a modernization of Denmark's defences through massive fortifications, but in 1901 they were forced to surrender, and a Liberal government with a parliamentary majority was formed. It carried through a series of reforms aimed in particular at democratizing all levels of administration, culminating in a revised constitution in 1915 that gave women the vote. On the outbreak of World War I, Denmark at once proclaimed neutrality but nevertheless came to feel the effects of hostilities in the form of both soaring prices for its agricultural exports and a higher cost of living for the working classes. The radical changes brought about by the war led in 1920 to a sharp confrontation between the Crown and parliament when Christian X (1912-47) dismissed the Radical Liberal government then in office. However, taken aback by the disturbances and demonstrations his actions triggered off he at once relinquished his political initiative. At about the same time the northern part of Slesvig, following a plebiscite in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles, was reunited with Denmark, while Iceland was recognized as an independent, sovereign state in a personal union with Denmark, i.e. with a common head of state and foreign policy. For several years Danish Jews were not persecuted as they were elsewhere in German-occupied Europe. But the night before October 2, 1943 the Germans decided to "solve the Jewish question" in Denmark by taking sudden action. They failed; by means of an extraordinary effort the Danish Resistance Movement, in cooperation with a significant part of the population, managed to help more than 7,000 Jews to escape to neutral Sweden. The Germans arrested 202 Jews, many of whom suffered a terrible fate in concentration camps. Labour government During the 1920s the Liberals, by this time considered rightwing, formed the strongest party, but the rapidly expanding Social Democrat party, mainly supported by industrial workers and intellectuals, pushed ahead, and in 1924 Thorvald Stauning was able to form Denmark's first Social Democrat government, which, however, had to resign only two years later, in 1926. When the non-socialist parties divided in 1929 over defence the Social Democrats were again able to secure power, supported this time by the small Radical Liberal party. It became the task of this government to guide the country through the 1930s, warding off the worst effects of the international depression by means of special legislation - some of it designed to aid the distressed farming community - while at the same time laying the foundations of a welfare state dedicated to improved social security. The National Hospital in Copenhagen is today one of the symbols of the centralized welfare state that was developed in the 1960s and 1970s. The huge building complex is situated close to the centre of Copenhagen, exemplifying a kind of technocratic, functionalistic architecture. It is an advanced central hospital for the whole country and its research activities enjoy international recognition. The German Occupation The outbreak of World War II in 1939 brought another declaration of neutrality from Denmark, but on April 9, 1940 the country was occupied in connection with the German campaign to take Norway. Denmark's nominal defences were rapidly surrendered in return for a German assurance that the occupation was a purely military matter that would not be permitted to influence internal affairs in Denmark. The government did indeed function until 1943, but German pressure stirred up resentment amongst the Danes to the degree that - when the war was beginning to turn against the Germans - a resistance movement arose, mostly supported by young people, who specialized in sabotaging factories and railways. Faced with a German demand that sabotage must carry the death penalty, the Danish government resigned in August 1943, and from this point onwards Denmark was under German dictatorship, while the fight between the resistance movement and the occupation forces-including Danes who were actually collaborating with the enemy - became a bloody vendetta. When the war ended in 1945 Denmark was granted status as an allied nation and joined the United Nations. Nyboder is a distinctive quarter of Copenhagen featuring long rows of low yellow terrace-houses. They were originally built in the 17th century by Christian IV as dwellings for sailors in the Danish Navy. The buildings still fulfil this function, but during the 1970s Nyboder was expanded by the addition of modern houses in the old style, including nursing homes and children's institutions. In the course of urban renewal in Denmark an attempt is thus being made to combine the old with the new, and social as well as housing policies try to mix generations, institutions and dwelling forms. Social welfare The post-war period brought with it a repetition of the political pattern of the 1930s, that is to say most of the time a Social Democrat government relying frequently on Radical Liberal support and with working-class men like Hans Hedtoft and H.C. Hansen as prime ministers. Economic reconstruction absorbed all resources until about 1950, after which the government's prime objective was to increase all forms of social welfare. But Denmark's Social Democrats, although representing the working classes, have never at any time advocated out-and-out socialism. On the contrary, when in power the party recognized the need to encourage the competitive ability of the business community on the international market. Industry expanded steadily; this was particularly true of companies willing to establish themselves in specialist, previously unexploited markets in areas such as applied art, toy manufacture and automatic controls. By the mid-1960s the value of industrial exports exceeded that of agricultural exports. Iceland, even before the end of the war, had broken its remaining political ties with Denmark and declared itself a republic. The Faroe Isles, which had been occupied by the British, reverted to Denmark but with a more independent status than previously. Greenland, with its small Eskimo population, was given a share in the welfare policy and then modernized at enormous expense; sheep-farming, fishing and fish-processing became the main industries. A degree of self-government was introduced, but Greenland and the Faroes accepted seats in the Folketing, Denmark's parliament. Scandinavia, NATO and the EEC In the matter of foreign policy there was an about-turn. The feelings left by the war and the German occupation once again generated interest in a viable Danish defence plan, which the Social Democrats now supported completely. Soviet policy during the immediate post-war years caused grave anxiety, and Denmark tentatively proposed a defence alliance with Norway and Sweden. When negotiations failed, Denmark joined NATO in 1949. However, this did not signal the end of efforts to foster closer relations with the other Scandinavian countries, to which Denmark has always felt naturally drawn. In 1952, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden formed the Nordic Council, an assembly of parliamentarians which works on various fronts to promote relations between the Nordic countries. In the economic sector the Danish, Norwegian and Swedish national airlines were successful in forming SAS, but in other respects it became evident that the interests of the respective Nordic countries differed so fundamentally that further integration was impossible, especially in view of the impending formation of the Common Market. From the outset Denmark was keen to join the European Economic Community, being devoid of raw materials and thus utterly dependent for its economic existence on foreign trade links. When Britain, a major trading partner, became a member in 1973, Denmark followed suit. Norway and Sweden remained outside the Community. The dream of a traffic connection above or below the waters of the Great Belt separating the major provinces of Denmark (just like that of a tunnel under the English Channel) from the 19th century. Plans to establish a connection have been agreed upon several times but later abandoned for financial reasons. In 1986 the Danish Folketing decided the time had come to take serious action. A combined bridge and tunnel link is to be completed in 1996. The picture, which was taken in the spring of 1990, shows the idyllic little island of Sprogo in the middle of the Great Belt. The island is now a centre for the Danish art of bridge-building and entrepreneurial ingenuity. Our own period Around 1970 Denmark appeared to have achieved what it had been aiming for in terms of welfare policy, namely a high standard of living - one of the highest in the world - incorporating, first, a well-developed system of social security that guarantees that no one in the event of unemployment or illness need suffer a serious lowering of living conditions and, secondly, a system of education that gives every youngster the promise of free practical or theoretical training at every level. But the cost of implementing such a comprehensive programme was considerable. Denmark tasted its own version of the French and German student revolt, realizing that what it now had on its hands was a generation of young people who had spent their childhood in a period of economic growth but which now repudiated their parents' struggles to acquire house, garden and material goods. A loosely grouped political left wing broke away from the main body of youth, demanding an alternative society. Its most visible offshoot was the slum-squatting movement that took over a group of disused army barracks in Copenhagen and claimed to establish what it call the "free city" of Christiania. At the same time Denmark began to realize that although its industrial exports were now at a high level it was still unable to maintain a favourable balance of payments. The country's foreign borrowing (representing the gap between production and consumption) increased, and became catastrophic during the oil crises of 1973-74. A growing protest against the steeply rising burden of taxation was reflected in the birth of a new political party whose election manifesto had only two main points: tax protest and cutting the cost of government. It stole many voters from the traditional non-socialist parties and the right wing of the Social Democratic party. The information society and the inner market The presence of two unyielding blocs at each end of the political spectrum - a group of socialist parties on the left wing with a corresponding group of non-socialists on the right - made it increasingly difficult to implement the economic reforms necessary to alleviate the increasing burden of foreign debt and heavy taxation. In 1982 the Social Democrats, having held power for many years, handed over the reins to a government composed of four non-socialist parties and headed by a Conservative prime minister. Despite the problems of securing a majority in the Folketing this government succeeded in curbing growth in the public sector. It is many years since Denmark imposed its will upon its bigger neighbours by waging war, and patriotism today has found new and less violent forms. The countless Danish "roligans" are supporters of the Danish football team and follow it eagerly but with exemplary peacefulness all over the world. At the same time, however, private expenditure rose steadily until the end of the 1980s, and although in 1986 the government managed to establish a surplus balance for government finances, foreign debt at the commencement of the 1990s still remains one of the country's most serious problems. Individual material affluence was greater than ever before, but even so the Danes began to feel themselves poorer. To maintain family living standards - and as a result of the liberation of women during the 1970s - women swarmed on to the labour market, so that during the 1980s the housewife without a job away from home was a rarity in Denmark. Cultural life was liberalized. In 1980 the Danes could watch, for instance, one TV channel. Almost a decade later there are over ten national and regional TV stations, and even more radio stations have started up. The dominance on cultural life held by the Left during the 1970s disappeared in favour of a more searching and uncertain attitude towards the rapidly developing information society. Danish interest in the environment increased as a result of steadily wider coverage in the media. In 1987 the Folketing passed what was perhaps the world's strictest environmental legislation. The environment was also one of the most important issues when in 1986 the Danes plunged into a violent debate prior to a referendum held about the so-called Single European Act. After being convinced with regard to, amongst other things, Denmark's continued right to introduce stricter environmental rules than the rest of the European Economic Community, Danish voters approved the reforms contained in the package, including plans to establish the free internal market in the EEC before 1992. One of the major questions is how the many relatively small Danish businesses, which admittedly excel in fields such as design, research and inventiveness, will manage to survive when capital is allowed to flow freely and conditions for competition will be the same from Scotland to Gibraltar. Erik Kjersgaard holds an MA degree in history. He is the author of numerous books and a producer of TV-programmes on historical subjects. He is also director of Den Gamle By (The Old Town), an open-air museum of old Danish houses in Arhus, Jutland. Bibliography Hal Koch and John Danstrup (eds.): Danmarks historie (The History of Denmark). In Danish only. Politikens Forlag, Copenhagen 1976-78. 15 vols. Axel Steensberg (ed.): Dagligliv i Danmark i det 17.-20. arhundrede (Everyday Life in Denmark in the 17th-20th Centuries). In Danish only. Nyt Nordisk Forlag. Copenhagen 1963-71. 4 vols. Paul Hammerich: En Danmarkskronike 1945-72 (A Danish Chronicle, 1945-72). In Danish only. Gyldendal. Copenhagen 1980. 3 vols. Stewart Oakley: The Story of Denmark. Faber & Faber. London 1972. Roar Skovmand, Vagn Dybdal and Erik Rasmussen: Geschichte Danemarks 1830-1939. Wachholtz. Neumunster 1973. Erik Kjersgaard: A History of Denmark. The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Copenhagen 1974. Bent Rying: Danish in the South and the North. The Royal Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Copenhagen 1981 (vol.I.), 1988 (vol. II). Palle Lauring: A History of the Kingdom of Denmark. Host & Son, Copenhagen 1960. Helge Seidelin Jacobsen: An Outline History of Denmark. Host & Son. Copenhagen 1986. W. Glyn Jones: Denmark, A Modern History. Croom Helm. London 1986.