Encounter

Shailaja embarked into politics the day she was born as the niece of legendary B.P. Koirala. She came into the limelight after the 1960's royal takeover, when she demonstrated tremendous courage by waving a black flag as King Mehendra spoke at a public meeting. A career politician, Shailaja is, however, an epitome of a politicians who fumbles to carve out a place at the top and stay there inspite of having worked ones way to it. Shailaja, who is currently the Vice-President of Nepali Congress (NC) and represents a constituency of Morang districts to the House of Representatives declined to entertain question on Mahakali Treaty, but, however spoke on corruption saying that the party is left to pay, heavily for those who are indulging in corruption, at least in the polls. Contented with spinsterhood, she says, she is enjoying every moments of life as it comes along, and is, of late inclined to spiritualism, Malayan Buddhism in Particular. Last Friday, she talked with Achyut Wagle of The Independent at her residence at Mahankal, Bouddha. Excerpts:

Q. You were one among the three so-called second generation leaders working together to being the big-trios together. But recently it is felt that you are more inclined in favour of NC President G.P. Koirala. What is the reason?

A. Your question, it seems, is inspired by what others are propagating about me. As a matter of fact, I speak what I feel is right. This holds good in respect of policy matters in the party also. As far as you have identified me as one of the three second generation leaders (Sher Bahadur Deuba, Ram Chandra Poudel and Shailaja Acharya herself), let me tell you I do not belong to that bracket. This is mainly due to the reason that they have repeatedly failed to remain neutral on most occasions (when it was necessary for them to demonstrate integrity). As for me, I have been speaking out the truth whenever expected of me whether I was holding a post or not. Therefore, whoever are projecting me as Koirala-supporter are doing a wrong thing.

Q. But you have been appointed of in a prestigious post of party vice-president by Koirala himself?

A. My role in the party remains the same that I have been enjoying since years. As I see it, the post of the Vice-President is turning out to be a figurative one since the party statute has not vested any power on this post. Yet I am asserting myself in my own way by directing my energy towards salvaging the declining image of the party by encouraging those who have been sidelined to join the mainstream.

Q. Do you ascribe the view that the NC has lost its earlier vitality after the first multiparty election in the country?

A. That's totally a wrong analysis since the NC had immediately after it was elected to power had fared well in the local election by recording a majority position in more than sixty districts. This clearly was the cogent proof of the fact that the party was in excellent shape at the time when Krishna Prasad Bhattarai was its President and G.P. Koirala was the prime minister. But the efforts to weaken the party are being launched from left and right and from within the party itself lately. This was initiated at the time when the country had to go to the midterm polls and during the conduct of the polls itself. The party narrowly escaped from the brink of split. Obviously, NC couldn't be expected to win the elections in divided state. But the happy news is that the Congress is very strong among the grassroots population. While the numerical strength gained by CPN-UML and the RPP in the parliament is the outcome of division in the Congress, what I am confident of is there is no party in this country which can defeat it provided it goes to the polls unitedly. But the weaknesses in NC have not been totally overcome. In fact, the fault lies at the centre where division is more apparent due to the power struggle. We have a substantial followings at grassroots level who are disappointed at the way the leaders at the centre tend to act.

Q. How do you explain the constitution of the new Central Executive Committee, and do you think it has included enough dissidents to avert the recurrence of past crisis in the party?

A. The constitution of the central committee of a party by all means falls within the prerogatives of its president. This was so during the time when K.P. Bhattarai was the president also. While I do not see any need to debate on the nature of the committee, it is unlikely that anyone will be successful in evolving a consensus committee either. But the major question should be weather the committee is functioning as expected or not. As far as I see it, the new committee since its inception, has held three a official meetings, and have brought the major national issues such as the Mahakali Treaty, womens' property right issues etc to the intensive debate. This shows the central committee is committed to hold protracted debate before evolving suitable policies. Of course, there are still some districts where we have so far failed to resolve the organisational crisis. I do not claim that we have acted remaining free from bias under various circumstances in various districts. Whatsoever, take it from me, that politics is no longer a play thing of a lone wolf when one used to scheme things in seclusion. Therefore the future as well as the decision making process of the party much depends on the party activists spread across the length and breadth of the country.

Q. You referred to policy aberration in NC in the recent past. Do you mean to say the party either moving away from principles of democratic socialism or have been merely saying that the ethical tradition of the party is no longer being courted?

A. NC has always been a centrist political organisation. But moving away from its course, the party has unduly compromised to form a coalition government with RPP. I do not mean to say that we had not to form a government, but this should have been a balanced alliance commensurate to the strength in parliament. No party should try to take undue advantage out of the given political situation. I consider this to be a sort of surrendering of principles. We have also started to lose our distinct identity in the bargain. I have been speaking against this tendency of our excessive flexibility with RPP since the first session of this parliament when parliamentary committees were being filled up by maintaining working relation with that party. There was no justification on giving three out of six committees to the RPP. My words were taken as personal vendetta against the party and nobody projected me in right perspective. In fact, I was against the RPP exertion of undeserved pressure on us well before Sher Bahadur Deuba came into the picture. Under the prevailing circumstances, it has become difficult to distinguish between RPP members and the Congress counterparts. Let me cite B.P.'s words who had said, " we cannot be jingoistic in the name of nationalism and cannot also hold republican views in the name of democracy." This is to maintain equal distance from both RPP and CPN-UML. I have an impression that the party tends to lose equilibrium at times. The party must bring forth its views on issues such as women's rights, land reforms, the kind of relations the party has to have with neighbouring countries and so on. The degree of transparency which was being maintained regarding the above issues before is diminishing recently and has given birth to consternation recently. When it comes to the party's commitment to socialism, there has been a certain degree of deviation from its original stance. While they are arguing that the global change is behind this U-turn in party's policies, what I don't understand is how are the external factors going to effect us when we are so poor that the parameters which shape their economies are totally absent in our country. There are no industries here nor is it likely that we may also be able to realise the dream of industrialisation to necessitate the change in socialist policies we are propagating. Therefore instead of running after multinationals who would not come here in the absence of infrastructure, we ought to be concentrating on agriculture to realise 'green resolution' to start with. We can't have sugar mills unless we have sugarcane plantation. Thus, what I feel is the drive for disinvestment on the part of the government and liberalisation policies have, by and large, no substance. On the contrary, in countries such as ours, state should play a pivotal role to protect the interest of the down trodden. Moreover, the structure of our society will fail to exploit the new alternatives.

Q. It is said that the new entrants in the NC and those who can spend money are virtually holding the party to ransom. Would you comment?

A. You are right in saying this. There are people in the party who have money and are trying to scale the organisational hierarchy at a quicker pace a others who have served the party all along the past. Since they can manage to move nearer the leaders, it is they who are dubiously capable of creating schism in the party. But I am sure since they are conscious of their doubtful progress over others, they do consider themselves as misfits in the midst of others who are the true soldiers of the organisation. But as a happy sign, more than 70 percent of General Convention members were largely old vanguards of the party. The new entrants are now slowly making their place in district organisations. But the central leadership should see to it that an NC candidate during elections is not opposed by other faction as has happened during the last mid-term poll.

Q. You are alleged to have a personality clash with PM Sher Bahadur Deuba? How far do you communicate with him?

A. You can't expect me to be having any sort of personality clash with him. In fact, when I constituted Democratic Youth League in 1967, in Benaras, he was not even in the committee while Ram Chandra Poudel was elected as the General Secretary which suffices to say that he is not my contemporary leave alone qualify as my rival. Since he was not even in that committee, it is better be understood than said that he is not my rival at all. It is for this reason, that he should be coming to me for advise rather than me taking initiative to meet him. He has come to me one. I have too gone to meet him at his residence once which shows we are, of course, in touch. But since I am, incidentally, also the Vice-President he should come to me too seek advice.

Q. So, you have got the ego-problem then?

A. I say what I see and if some people take it as an ego, I have no objection.

Q. How do you visualise the party's performance in the up coming local elections?

A. Provided that the party unitedly concentrates on the local elections in right earnest, there is no doubt that we may maintain our present status. But before that we will have to plan the right strategy to address the people's concerns before we actually face the election. We will have to convince the voters that if there is an alternative to NC it is not RPP or CPN-UML, but within the Congress itself. Since people have identified NC cadres as the power mongers, we will have to work hard to erase this image from the memories of the electorate.

Q. Do you think the era of trio in NC has come to an end?

A. There is no way that we should be taking it for granted that the era of trio has come to an end. They all will be, in their own way, contributing to the welfare of the party. They may not be active but will keep on reflecting on the functioning of the party.

Q. Where do you find yourself in the race for the realm of power?

A. I doubt whether I am not well versed in the game played to capture power. Therefore, I do not know as to where I am, or how far away am I, from it. But what I feel is, I am not able to please others who matter, if anyone is to go nearer to the power. But for one thing I am sure, that the future leadership of the party will be in my hands. This is not my wishful thinking but I have gathered this in the course of my meeting with people. I am, perhaps, the first natural choice of the cadres. Therefore, if NC has a future, I too have one.

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