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$Title{Lebanon
Front Matter}
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$Author{Thomas Collelo}
$Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army}
$Subject{lebanon
beirut
system
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civil
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syria
christian
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$Date{1987}
$Log{Global Map*0214601.scf
Figure 1.*0214602.scf
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Country:     Lebanon
Book:        Lebanon, A Country Study
Author:      Thomas Collelo
Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army
Date:        1987

Front Matter

Acknowledgments

     The authors are grateful to individuals in various agencies of the United
States government and private organizations in Washington, D.C., who gave of
their time, research materials, and special knowledge of Lebanese affairs to
provide data and perspective. The authors also wish to express their gratitude
to members of the Federal Research Division who contributed directly to the
preparation of the manuscript. These include Helen C. Metz and Richard F.
Nyrop, who reviewed the text; Marilyn Majeska, who managed production; and
Barbara Edgerton and Izella Watson, who performed word processing. Others
involved in preparation of the book included Ruth Nieland and Richard
Kollodge, who edited chapters; Andrea T. Merrill, who performed the
prepublication review.

     Special thanks are owed to those responsible for the excellent graphic
work in the book. These include David P. Cabitto, who oversaw the entire
process; Kimberly A. Lord, who designed the cover and chapter illustrations
and who performed the page layout; Greenhorne and O'Meara, which produced the
maps; and Harriett R. Blood, who prepared the topography and drainage map. The
inclusion of photographs in this study was made possible by the generosity of
individuals and private and public agencies. The authors acknowledge their
indebtedness to those who provided original work not previously published.

Preface

[See Global Map: Map of Lebanon on the globe.]

     Lebanon: A Country Study replaces the Area Handbook for Lebanon published
in 1973. Like its predecessor, the present book is an attempt to treat in a
concise and objective manner the dominant historical, social, economic,
political, and national security aspects of contemporary Lebanon. But, like
the country, which has undergone radical changes since the mid-1970s, the
present study bears little resemblance to the old book; it has been completely
revised to reflect the current situation. Sources of information included
scholarly books, journals, and monographs; official reports and documents of
governments and international organizations; foreign and domestic newspapers
and periodicals; and interviews with Lebanese officials and individuals with
special competence in Lebanese affairs. Because so much of the literature is
polemical, the authors took special pains to separate fact from bias. In
addition, because the turmoil that has occurred since 1975 has precluded
comprehensive and accurate accounting of economic and demographic statistics,
most data should be viewed as rough estimates.

     Much of the recent history and much of the political situation in Lebanon
are associated with armed conflict. Accordingly, detailed information on these
topics is likely to be found in the national security chapter rather than in
the chapters on history or government and politics.

     Chapter bibliographies appear at the end of the book; brief comments on
some of the more valuable sources for further reading appear at the conclusion
of each chapter. Most measurements are given in the metric system (see table
1, Appendix A). Because of the complex nature of the fighting during the 1975
Civil War, the rival factions are treated at length in Appendix B. The
Glossary provides brief definitions of terms that may be unfamiliar to the
general reader.

     The transliteration of Arabic words and phrases posed a particular
problem. For many words--such as Muhammad, Muslim, and Quran--the authors
followed a modified version of the system adopted by the United States Board
on Geographic Names and the Permanent Committee on Geographic Names for
British Official Use, known as the BGN/PCGN system. The modification entails
the omission of diacritical markings and hyphens. In numerous instances,
however, the names of persons or places are so well known by another spelling
that to have used the BGN/PCGN system may have created confusion. For example,
the reader will find Beirut, Sidon, and Tyre rather than Bayrut, Sayda, and
Sur. Furthermore, because press accounts generally use French in the spelling
of personal names, the alternate French version is often given when such a
name is introduced in each chapter.

Country Profile

Country

Formal Name: Republic of Lebanon.

Short Form: Lebanon.

Term for Citizens: Lebanese.

Capital: Beirut.

Geography

Size: Approximately 10,452 square kilometers.

Topography: Four major features running roughly from north to south:
coastal strip, Lebanon Mountains, Biqa Valley, and Anti-Lebanon Mountains.
Several perennial rivers, but none navigable.

Climate: Mediterranean climate with hot, dry summers and cool, wet
winters. Weather drier and hotter east of Lebanon Mountains.

Society

Population: Estimated at 2.6 million in 1983, not including about
400,000 Palestinian refugees.

Education: Five-year primary education mandatory. Education system
disrupted during and after 1975 Civil War; many children did not attend
school.

Literacy: Estimated at nearly 80 percent in mid-1980s.

Health: Drastically reduced health standards because of 1975 Civil
War. In 1980s overall shortages of medical staff and facilities. Best health
care available in private institutions.

Languages: Arabic official language. French and English also widely
spoken. Armenian spoken by Armenian community.

Ethnic Groups: More than 90 percent of population Arab; some
Armenians, Kurds, and Jews.

Religion: A variety of Muslim and Christian sects. Muslims included
Shias, Sunnis, Druzes, Ismailis, and Alawis. Christians included Maronites,
Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, Roman Catholics, Jacobites, Armenian
Orthodox, Assyrians, and Protestants. Fewer than 100 Jews in 1987.

Economy

billion to L Pounds 43.8 billion (for value of the Lebanese pound--see
Glossary); in either case, in real terms GDP no more than half 1974 level.
Inflation in 1987 estimated at more than 700 percent, and unemployment
estimated at 35 percent.

Agriculture: Diversity of crops grown throughout country. Biqa Valley
most productive region, primarily grains but increasingly in late 1980s
hashish and opium. Citrus crops grown on coast, especially in south.
Tobacco also cultivated in south. Only 11 percent of labor force employed
in agriculture in 1980.

Industry: Severely disrupted by civil strife. Employed about 27
percent of labor force in 1980. Cement most important industrial export
in 1980s; energy production and petroleum refining also significant.

Currency: Lebanese pound.

Fiscal Year: Same as calendar year.

Transportation and Communications

Railroads: Two standard-gauge lines from Syria: one down coast
through Tripoli and Beirut to Az Zahrani; the other through Biqa Valley
to Riyaq. Narrow-gauge mountain line from Damascus to Beirut. In 1987
no trains operating on 407-kilometer system.

Roads: Approximately 8,000 kilometers of roads in varying states of
disrepair in 1987. Beirut hub of network extending north to Tripoli, south
to Tyre, and east through mountains to Damascus. Roads also extending
through Biqa Valley and crossing Lebanon Mountains.

Ports: Major ports at Beirut, Tripoli, Sidon, and Tyre. In 1980s
numerous smaller, illegal (unofficial) ports operated by militias.

Pipelines: Trans-Arabia Pipeline (Tapline) from Sandi Arabia to Az
Zahrani refinery but closed in mid-1980s. Iraq Petroleum Company pipeline
through Syria to Tripoli refinery but closed in 1981.

Airports: Main international airport at Beirut; closed intermittently
in 1980s. Airport being built at Halat, but not cleared for civilian traffic
as of 1987.

Telecommunications: Much infrastructure destroyed during and after
1975 Civil War. International links continued to function in 1980s.

Government and Politics

Government: Central government marginally functional in 1987 and
exercised only nominal control. Constitution vests executive power in
president of republic, who appoints the cabinet ministers, from whom he
selects prime minister. Legislative functions performed by unicameral
Chamber of Deputies, elected for four-year terms by universal suffrage.
In 1987 no elections had been held since 1972, and only seventy-seven
deputies remained out of ninety-nine elected in 1972. Electoral system
provided for proportional representation (based on 1932 census) in
Chamber of Deputies by religion as well as by region. Chamber of
Deputies elects president for six-year term and approves his cabinet
appointments. By custom, president a Maronite, prime minister a Sunni
Muslim, and speaker of the Chamber of Deputies a Shia Muslim. Judicial
system, except for religious courts, based on French model.

Politics: 1975 Civil War, foreign intervention, and internal fighting
generally have disrupted politics. Before 1975 many nonideological
political parties centered on powerful leaders whose followers were
usually of same sect. Since 1975 militias have overtaken parties in
importance. New president scheduled to be elected by Chamber of
Deputies in September 1988.

Foreign Relations: In 1987 central government only one of many
actors conducting foreign policy. Syria and Israel wielded greatest
influence, followed by Iran (especially among some Shias) and Western
nations (especially among some Christians).

National Security

Armed Forces: In 1987 consisted of 15,000- to 18,000-man,
multisectarian army and small Christian air force (800 men) and navy (450
men). Army had nine brigades organized along sectarian lines, but not all
loyal to central government.

Equipment: Lightly equipped with mostly United States, British, and
French materiel.

Police: Most internal security personnel assimilated into armed forces
by 1987.

Militias: Principal militias, sectarian affiliations, and estimated
combat strengths in 1987: Amal (Shia), 6,000 regulars (10,000 reserves);
Progressive Socialist Party (Druze), 5,000 regulars (12,000 reserves);
Lebanese Forces (Christian), 4,500 regulars (30,000 reserves); Hizballah
(Shia), 1,000; and South Lebanon Army (Christian), 1,000.

Introduction

[See Figure 1.: Administrative Divisions, 1987.]

     By the Late 1980s, a new term had entered the vocabulary of the popular
press--"Lebanonization," a term used to refer to a wide range of political,
social, and economic situations whose resolution appeared intractable. Because
of Lebanon's deeply complicated ills, which included political
factionalization, societal chaos, and economic fragmentation, the term could
reasonably be applied to almost any problematic condition anywhere in the
world.

     What "Lebanonization" failed to denote adequately, however, was the
tragedy and suffering of the Lebanese people. As of late 1987, estimates
indicated that as many as 130,000 people had lost their lives during civil
turmoil, which probably had inflicted at least twice that number of casualties
and forced thousands of individuals from their homes. Figures could not show
the impact these problems had on the national psyche. By the spring of 1988,
Lebanon had experienced nearly continuous warfare of varying levels of
intensity for thirteen years, and an entire generation had yet to know peace.

     Beginning in the darkest days of the Civil War in 1975 and 1976, tragic
events followed almost without interruption. The litany of misfortune includes
the Israeli thrust into southern Lebanon in search of Palestinian guerrillas
in 1978, the intra-Christian battles of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the
deeper Israeli invasion in 1982, the massacres by Christian militiamen of
Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in 1982, the
intra-Palestinian clashes of 1983, the fighting in the Shuf Mountains between
the Lebanese Army and Druze (see Glossary) militia in 1983 and 1984, the
suicide bombings of installations belonging to Western governments in 1983-84,
the Amal siege of Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut from 1985 to 1988, and
the internecine Shia (see Glossary) Muslim battles of 1988.

     In spite of this turmoil, anarchy was a fairly recent phenomenon in
Lebanon. Before the Civil War the nation was often regarded as one of only a
few truly modernizing Middle Eastern states, and its government was considered
a model of pluralism. Some observers regarded Beirut as the jewel of the Arab
world, a cosmopolitan city in which Christian and Muslim communities
peacefully coexisted. These positive appearances notwithstanding, there were
deep--and ominous--divisions in society. Many observers claim that these
divisive forces have origins at least centuries old; others believe that the
sources of these forces can be traced back even further, perhaps as long ago
as ancient times.

     As in much of the contemporary Middle East, the area occupied by
present-day Lebanon has changed hands frequently (see fig. 1). The
Phoenicians, the region's first known inhabitants, were a seafaring people
with a penchant for commerce, a cultural trait that has continued through the
centuries. But Lebanon's location on the Mediterranean Sea and its bountiful
resources, although assets to the Phoenicians, also proved to be liabilities,
as they were coveted by a succession of expansionary empires. Before the
Christian era, Lebanon was conquered by the Egyptians, Assyrians, Babylonians,
Persians, Greeks, and Romans, although it enjoyed brief periods of
independence (see Ancient Times, ch. 1).

     In addition to the sea, Lebanon's mountainous terrain has figured
prominently in its history. The land's mountains, hills, and valleys provided
isolated sanctuaries for a variety of people; some sought escape from
repression, while others sought the unfettered practice of their religions.
Over the centuries the mountains' geographic remoteness has allowed groups
such as Druzes and Maronites (see Glossary) to maintain age-old customs and
practices.

     From ancient times through the Ottoman era to the colonial era, the
present-day states of Lebanon and Syria, along with parts of other states,
often have been regarded as one area termed Greater Syria (see Glossary). And,
as this name suggests, Syria has played an influential role in the history of
the area. Lebanon and Syria have been linked socially and economically, but
especially politically. For example, following the Islamic conquest of the
region in the seventh century A.D., the Arab caliph Muawiyah ruled the entire
area from his capital at Damascus. Later, under the Ottoman Empire, the pasha,
or governor, of Damascus controlled Lebanon through a number of amirs, or
princes. After World War I and the defeat of the Ottomans, the Allies granted
France mandate authority over both Lebanon and Syria. In the 1980s, Syrian
influence in Lebanon persisted because Syria had taken on the role of power
broker and was viewed by some observers as the one actor that could bring
about peace.

     Unlike the populations of many Third World nations that have experienced
strife because of racial or ethnic divisions, Lebanon's population is
ethnically homogeneous. It is overwhelmingly Arab, and its people speak a
common language--Arabic. Lebanon's many conflicts have been the result of
sectarianism and political differences. Disputes based on sectarianism were
evident as long ago as the 1840s, when Druzes and Maronites clashed in Mount
Lebanon (see Glossary). Over the years, confessionalism (see Glossary) has
become more firmly entrenched, as individuals have come to identify with sect
and clan rather than with national interest. Modernization and urbanization,
which weakened traditional social systems and increased social alienation,
contributed to the rise of sectarianism (see Sectarianism, ch. 2). Moreover,
the confessional system became legitimated by the National Pact of 1943, which
allocated political offices according to sect (see The National Pact, ch. 4).
In the 1970s and 1980s, the consequences of the fragmentation of society
became clear, as a multitude of groups clashed. But in Lebanon's ever-changing
social milieu, today's opponent might become tomorrow's ally.

     Before the 1975 Civil War, Lebanon enjoyed a flourishing economy (see
Recent Economic History, ch. 3). Tourism, commerce, and other service sectors
were all booming. Beirut's banks held large balances of foreign capital,
mostly in the form of remittances from expatriates and deposits from West
European and Persian Gulf states. As a transshipment point for goods coming
from or going to a variety of Arab countries, the government reaped
considerable revenues from import and export duties.

     Lebanon's wealth, however, was inequitably distributed, much of it
concentrated in the hands of a small, predominantly Christian, elite in
Beirut. In the opinion of some observers, this maldistribution of wealth
contributed significantly to the outbreak of civil strife and the subsequent
devastation of the economy.

     In the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, armed conflict and geographic
fragmentation kept the economy in ruins. The government, although not
bankrupt, was unable to collect sufficient revenues to maintain services and
thus was forced to incur huge deficits. Rampant inflation spawned a
large-scale black market, industry was almost moribund, and the once-thriving
tourism sector was dead. Banks were still functioning, but at greatly
diminished levels. Agricultural production, although reduced, continued in
areas unaffected by the violence; in some cases, food crops were replaced by
hashish and opium. Finally, reconstruction efforts, involving funding by Arab
institutions and Western donors, had little impact because calm could not be
maintained long enough to allow the implementation of programs.

     Lebanon's political structure often was cited by analysts as contributing
to hostilities. Political participation was not only circumscribed for all
segments of society by the traditional power-broker system, called zuama
(sing., zaim--see Glossary) clientelism, but this system also awarded undue
power to Maronites (see Zuama Clientelism, ch. 4). The allocation of seats in
the legislature, called the Chamber of Deputies, was based on the 1932 census,
which counted Christians to Muslims in a six-to-five ratio, and by custom the
presidency was set aside for a Maronite, the prime ministry for a Sunni (see
Glossary) Muslim, and the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies for a Shia. But
as the population makeup changed, Muslims--especially Shias--clamored for
greater representation and for reform to reduce the powers of the president;
some groups advocated the wholesale restructuring of the political system.
After the events of the mid-1970s, the system collapsed, and those parts that
continued to function no longer resembled the prewar form. Political power was
usurped by sectarian militias or external actors, especially Syria and, after
1982, Israel (see Sectarian Groups; Syria; Israel, ch. 4). In mid-1988 the
executive controlled only a small area around the Presidential Palace, the
Council of Ministers seldom convened (and, in any case, did not cooperate with
the president), and a new Chamber of Deputies had not been elected since 1972.
Although reform of the system had been discussed over the years, the multitude
of power centers espousing opposing ideologies prevented any meaningful
change.

     By the late 1970s, the term national security, in the commonly understood
sense of providing internal security and national defense, could no longer be
applied to the Lebanese Armed Forces. In the prewar years, efforts were made
to keep the armed forces out of politics, and, for the most part, those
efforts succeeded. But during the violence of the mid-1970s, the armed forces
fragmented along sectarian lines. In the late 1980s, as only the sixth or
seventh most powerful military organization in the country, the armed forces
were unable to fulfill their stated missions. In areas where security did
exist, it was often the result of a sectarian militia imposing its authority.

     After the research for this book was completed, several events occurred
that reshaped Lebanon's political and social structure. The first of these
events occurred in September 1988, when after several failed attempts at
convening, the Chamber of Deputies announced that it was unable to elect a new
president. Before leaving office, however, President Amin Jumayyil (also seen
as Gemayel) appointed the commander of the Lebanese Army, Major General Michel
Awn (also seen as Aoun), to head an interim military government. Although he
attempted to incorporate non-Christian sects into his cabinet, Muslims quickly
renounced the move, and Salim al Huss (also seen as Hoss), the acting prime
minister under Jumayyil, formed his own cabinet.

     In February 1989, to assert the authority of the state, Awn sent his army
to wrest an unofficial (illegally operated) port in Beirut from the Christian
Lebanese Forces (LF), a militia headed by Samir Jaja (also seen as Geagea).
This operation resulted in a fierce battle in East Beirut between artillery
and armored units of the LF and the army. The fighting inflicted great damage
on the people and neighborhoods of East Beirut, and soon after the conflict
began, Jaja conceded to a cease-fire and agreed to vacate the port.

     Following this triumph, Awn sought to extend his control further and
ordered the small Lebanese navy to blockade unofficial ports south of Beirut
that were run by Druze and Shia militias. Again a bitter confrontation ensued,
but in this instance, as had not been the case during the earlier localized,
internecine fighting, Syria, which had about 40,000 troops in Lebanon, rallied
to the Muslim side. During much of March and April, shells rained down on East
and West Beirut, the Shuf Mountains, and the Christian heartland north of
Beirut. Observers reported that the fighting was as severe as any battle of
the 1975 Civil War or the 1978 Syrian siege of East Beirut. As many as 300,000
people were believed to have fled the bombardments, and many of those who
didn't leave were forced to live in basements, often without electricity or
water. Reports claimed that all but a few of the several hundred killed and
wounded were civilians.

     Thus, with rival Christian and Muslim governments and armies in place,
and with intrasectarian and intersectarian disputes as common and fierce
as ever, prospects for peace seemed remote in early 1989.
                                             May 2, 1989/Thomas Collelo