$Unique_ID{COW01550} $Pretitle{282} $Title{Guyana Chapter 5. Ethnic Groups and Languages} $Subtitle{} $Author{William B. Mitchell} $Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army} $Subject{east africans indians chinese percent guyana african amerindians groups education} $Date{1969} $Log{Table 5.*0155001.tab } Country: Guyana Book: Guyana, A Country Study Author: William B. Mitchell Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army Date: 1969 Chapter 5. Ethnic Groups and Languages Ethnic identity is unusually important in Guyana and the problems of cultural integration on both a local and a national scale are substantial. There are seven definable ethnic groups in Guyana. The two largest groups, comprising the bulk of the population, are the East Indians (50 percent) and the Africans (30 percent). There are small numbers of Portuguese (1 percent), other Europeans (1 percent) and Chinese (1 percent). A Mixed (or Colored) element comprises 12 percent of the population. Finally, there is a small number of aboriginal people (4 percent), known in Guyana as Amerindians. About 95 percent of the Guyanese people are concentrated in a narrow coastal strip (see ch. 4, Population and Labor Force). More than 70 percent of this population is rural, living on plantations or in villages strung along the coastal road like a chain of beads. Most of the villages have heterogeneous populations, but usually one ethnic group predominates. Almost 30 percent of the population lives in the cities of Georgetown and its environs or New Amsterdam. This urban population is predominantly African, but it is misleading to suggest that Africans are primarily urban; the majority of the African population (57 percent) is rural (see table 5). A far greater majority of East Indians (87 percent), however, lives outside the cities. This uneven distribution of the extraordinary heterogeneous population of Guyana results from the interplay of a number of historical processes and cultural biases. The early European colonists were able to develop large-scale sugar plantations along the coast by using large numbers of African slaves. When slavery was abolished, many of the plantations were ruined, and the Africans bought them individually and collectively. Living together in hundreds of new villages, the Africans lacked sufficient capital, cheap labor, and managerial control for their enterprises to be economically successful. Land ownership became fragmented and complex, and the Africans resorted to subsistence farming. [See Table 5.: Percentage Distribution of Ethnic Groups in Urban and Rural Areas of Guyana] Other developments, however, drew many Africans away from the villages and into the cities. The foremost factor in this movement was education. Many Africans perceived education as a means of economic and social improvement, and denominational schools provided the necessary instruction. Africans soon found positions in the civil service and skilled trades. Eventually they organized the trade union movement, dominated the teaching profession, and became prominent in medicine and law. The development of new industries and natural resources also provided income for rural Africans who left their villages temporarily to prospect for gold, collect balata (a kind of gum rubber), or mine bauxite. These occupations led men into the bush, but they spent much of their income in the cities. When slavery was abolished, the European planters turned elsewhere for the cheap labor they needed. East Indians, Portuguese, and Chinese were recruited for indentured service. The terms of indenture were nearly as harsh as slavery, but the planters succeeded in bringing more than 340,000 persons into the country. Seventy percent of these indentured workers were East Indians. After completing their terms of indenture, the East Indians who remained in British Guiana (about one-third of them returned to India) continued to live in rural areas. Many of them chose to live on the edges of villages already established by Africans. Unlike the Africans, however, the East Indians had been permitted to retain much of their cultural tradition. The continuity of Indian culture was not disturbed by the kind of Western education the Africans received. Compulsory education was not enforced for indentured families, and the East Indians shunned the Christian schools. As a result the East Indians were not able to compete with the Africans for skilled urban jobs, but they were much more successful in agriculture. The colonial government provided them with good land and prevented the East Indians from fragmenting it as the Africans had. The rising demand for rice also gave the East Indians a cash crop to raise, and for many years the rice economy has been protected by the government. Reinforced by a kinship system that ties families and land close together, the East Indians have succeeded in developing a viable rural peasantry. Most of the Portuguese came from Madeira in the 1840s. As soon as they completed their indentures, they left the plantations and entered the retail trades in which they continued to thrive. Indentured Chinese workers first came to British Guiana from the south coast of China in 1853. Like the Portuguese, they left the plantations as soon as they could, and now most of them live in the larger villages and urban areas. The European colonists were Dutch, French, Scottish and English planters. They maintained a dominant and exclusive position in the country until independence. The Amerindians also remain unassimilated. Most of them do not participate in the coastal life of the country. They live in the interior practicing a mixed agricultural and hunting economy. The universal use of English as the national language of Guyana is one of the very few unifying cultural forces in the country. It also helps bind the nation with the other countries of the British Caribbean. On the other hand, English language and other cultural traditions tend to isolate Guyana socially, economically and politically from the predominantly Hispanic states of Latin America. East Indians Most of the East Indians who came to British Guiana were Hindus from the United Provinces; about 16 percent were Moslems. These people were primarily agriculturalists and artisans. Less than one-third of them were from the lower castes and more than 10 percent were high caste Brahmans and Kshattryas. Today most of the caste regulations on behavior have disappeared, but some elements of the caste system persist. For example, high caste is associated with wealth and high caste ideals are widely accepted by the East Indian community. Low caste is associated with poverty, Moslems, and dark skin color (see ch. 6, Social Structure). The East Indians brought four languages with them: Hindi, Hindustami, Tamil, and Telagu. Today the total number of East Indians who are literate in these languages comes to less than 10 percent. English is spoken universally, and literacy is increasing. Fifty-six percent of the East Indians over 10 years old were literate in English in 1946. The figure probably is much higher in 1968. Physically the East Indians have dark skin and straight or wavy hair. They often refer to themselves as "coolies" or "cooliemen," and others may use the terms without any pejorative implications. Within the East Indian community, lower caste terms may be used as epithets. More than 85 percent of the East Indian population lives in rural villages (on Crown lands or land bought from Africans), on land-settlement schemes, or on sugar estates. They have close ties socially and economically with the land. Farming is a family occupation. In one typical village, for example, 90 percent of the married sons lived in their fathers' households or within 5 miles of it. Thus each family has a source of free labor which permits it to invest its income in more land or equipment. The demand for land, however, brings the East Indians into conflict with rural Africans, and village factionalism is a continuing problem in many parts of the country (see ch. 7, Family). Another source of village conflict between East Indians and Africans is the school system (see ch. 9, Education). Until recently, education was subsidized largely by Christian denominations. Now there are separate schools for East Indians supported by government funds. But for many years, the curriculum taught by African masters dwelt largely on the values and manners of English gentlemen. Today the curricula offer more functional, vocational subjects, but the results of the old system still are felt in other parts of the society. For example, from 1891 to 1931 only 6 to 12 percent of the professional and public service occupations were filled by East Indians (and most of these men were priests). Even in 1946, less than 15 percent of these occupations were filled by East Indians. The East Indians avoided education also because they believed that African teachers were low caste (Chamar), and that their Christian teaching was a threat to the East Indian's cultural identity. Even in schools with East Indian teachers, the teachers complained that they could not be promoted unless they became Christians. Although their lack of education undoubtedly limited their qualifications for government service, East Indians have not participated in proportion to their numbers (see ch. 13, The Governmental System). One reason for this may be their traditional disregard for external authority. This negative attitude is counter-balanced by high respect for the family. The family also is the center for religious activities. Most Hindu ceremonies take place in the home and follow a modified Brahmanical format (see ch. 11, Religion). Recreation usually takes the form of a religious activity, and East Indians very rarely participate in entertainment, dancing or drinking. This attitude toward recreation contrasts sharply with the Africans' conviviality and it is underscored by the proscription against East Indian girls mixing with Africans. The self-sufficiency of the East Indian family and its religious bonds have precluded the formation of most community associations. A recent exception, however, is the East Indian Association, which was formed to promote Indian nationalism in Guyana. This ethnic theme is reflected politically in the Peoples Progressive Party which is supported by almost 90 percent of the East Indian population (see ch. 14, Political Dynamics). To some extent the strong East Indian urge toward ethnic exclusiveness is perceived by others in Guyana as a threat. They see his aggressive, thrifty, ethnocentric behavior and believe that he threatens to dominate the entire society. The African Negroes The ancestors of most Guyanese Africans were brought from the Guinea Coast of West Africa. Slavery destroyed most of their traditional institutions, and European customs and values took their place. The remaining vestiges of African culture are expressed in music, stories, dancing, games, and some religious beliefs and practices (see ch. 11, Religion). Physically the Africans resemble the classic Negro types of western Africa. They refer to themselves as "Africans" or "blacks." The purest Negro physical types are said to be found in the older villages that were established immediately after emancipation. Although most Africans begin and end their lives in rural villages, they usually spend their productive years in the cities or in the interior working for wages. In one typical African village, 74 percent of the married sons of household heads had jobs in the cities or the mines. These workers maintain their kinship ties with their families in the villages. They send money home and help newcomers from the villages. They maintain their interests in village land primarily for the security it offers in their later years. Within the village, farming usually is a subsistence activity. The villagers tend to be relatively young or old, and they undertake the comparatively easy tasks of raising cassava or gathering the produce from fruit trees. Virtually all Africans are Christians, and religion is a public affair in contrast with the private practices of the Hindus. Church elders are highly respected in many African communities because they, like the teachers, share their knowledge and contribute their skills to the public welfare. There are a large number of voluntary associations in the African communities. These are religious, educational, fraternal, political or welfare organizations and they have a wide membership. What the East Indians derive from their kinship groups, the Africans get from village societies. Also in contrast to the East Indians, African women are free to join whatever groups they wish. Church schools have provided education for generations of Africans, and today they are nearly 100 percent literate in English. Many are skilled workers and artisans; others have held the most responsible public positions in the country. Their successful application of education and their domination of the teaching profession is complemented by the Africans' very high regard for education values. Africans do not only occupy many positions in the national government, they respect external authority at the local level. Unlike the East Indians in this matter, Africans permit village councils and other authorities to take part in their personal affairs. The African family does not control personal relationships the way the East Indian family does. Africans have been involved in politics since emancipation. Almost 90 percent of voting Africans belong to the Peoples National Congress. The strong ethnic identity of the party is partly a response to the Africans' perception of the threat of Indian domination. They believe the East Indians are attempting to take over village lands, schools and government jobs, and the party offers them a means of opposition. Other Groups Mixed (Colored) The Mixed or Colored population of Guyana is identified as the result of Africans mixing with any other racial group. Only a person with an African ancestor can be identified as Mixed. Usually the initial mixture was made by an African woman with a man of another race. The size of the group continues to grow, and it is the second largest minority in Guyana. In the early days of the colony, mulattoes held a privileged position in society. They were better educated and occupied influential jobs. After emancipation, however, their social status declined, and today they are identified either as Africans or as a middle class elite. Those who belong to the latter group tend to be politically and socially conservative. Portuguese The Portuguese were brought to Guyana as indentured workers, and those that survived or failed to return home quickly became tradesman and store keepers. By 1851 they owned over 60 percent of the retail stores. Their rapid economic success earned for them a reputation for aggressiveness and clever trading which persists. Though the Portuguese are physically white, the Europeans, Africans, and East Indians in Guyana identify them as a separate group, probably because of their historical background as indentured workers. Portuguese men often took African wives, and their offspring are a major component of the growing Mixed population. The Portuguese are Roman Catholics. Until recently their economic success had brought them little political power, but now they are strongly identified with the United Front (see ch. 14, Political Dynamics). Other Europeans From the beginning of colonial interest in British Guiana until independence, the nation was ruled by generations of Dutch, French, Scottish and English planters. Their dominant position in society left strong impressions at every level. Toward the end of the colonial period there were about 5,000 British and North Americans in Guyana. About half of them were foreign born, but they were not distinguished from those born locally. They were often seen as exploiters of people and resources who did nothing to replace their extracted wealth. This attitude was countered to some extent by a wide respect for the concepts of English justice and fairness. The Europeans saw themselves as a heterogeneous population expressing wide differences in education, taste and ways of life. Most of them never felt any permanent attachment to the colony. Chinese The Chinese in Guyana have maintained only a very attenuated form of their native culture, and unlike the East Indians (and other overseas Chinese), they have tended to merge into Guyanese society. This loss of cultural identity is due in part to the unfavorable sex ratio among the Chinese indentured laborers brought to British Guiana during the last century. Only one out of ten immigrants was a woman. Consequently, Chinese men sought wives from other ethnic groups. Most often the wife was African, and her children usually were raised as Africans rather than Chinese. Physically the mixture often retains oriental features such as straight hair and light skin which are regarded as social assets. The Chinese distinguish between "local-born" and "home-born." The local-born have almost no contacts with China, and they make very little of the traditionally important distinctions between those who spoke Cantonese and Hakka. Indeed, many are giving up their Chinese names along with the language. Many of the home-born plan to return to China even though the government has changed in the interim. Children of the home-born are either in favor of the Mao regime or ambivalent about it. Children of old settlers are pro-Nationalist. For the diminishing number of "pure" Chinese, the attenuation of Chinese culture increases with each generation. The first generation of local-born children often consider themselves marginal to both Chinese and Guyanese culture. Boys may be sent back to China for their preliminary education, but for their higher education they are likely to be sent to England or the United States. Later generations of local-born Chinese are scattered in urban communities. There are no clans or other extended kinship organizations, and most Chinese do not trace their ancestry beyond the first immigrant. Unlike other overseas Chinese, those in Guyana have not formed associations based on their locality of origin. There is a Chinese Association, but this organization does not conduct exclusively Chinese activities. Most Chinese were converted to Christianity before they arrived. In Guyana they maintained their own form of Christianity, and built their own churches. A Chinese settlement, Hopetown, was founded by the Chinese missionary O. Tye Kim (Wu-tai-Kam). Chinese living in the villages today usually do not participate in any church activities, although they do maintain a common set of folk beliefs with the other villagers. Among a small group of upper class local-born Chinese, there is a tendency toward strong evangelical Christianity, and the leadership often engages in religious activities. Some of these families have even sent sons back to China as missionaries. Hopetown was the only attempt to establish a Chinese community, and it failed after a disastrous fire in 1910. Thus the Chinese are dispersed, and many of them have either merged with the working people of Georgetown or entered the white collar and professional classes. Some continue to operate the small businesses established by their fathers. The Chinese retain almost none of their traditional clothing or food, and the few art objects to be seen are imitations of classical ones. Amerindians The aboriginal inhabitants of Guyana are the least assimilated of the ethnic groups. They rarely participate in the coast-centered life of the country, although they are entitled to vote and have done so. Most of them live in the interior where they practice a mixed agricultural and hunting economy. They have been in contact with European colonists for 200 years and have been the focus of intensive missionary activity during the last century. It has been estimated that about half of them are literate in English, but their own languages survive. The Guyana Amerindians form three linguistic families: Warrau, Arawak, and Carib. Representatives of all three groups live in widely scattered settlements along the lower reaches of the rivers from the Barima on the west to the Courantyne on the east. These coastal groups have mixed physically and culturally with the local populations. Some groups have been strongly influenced by missionaries during the past 100 years, and some of the young coastal Arawaks no longer speak their own language. Six Carib-speaking groups (Carib, Akawaio, Patamona, Arekuna, Makusi, Waiwai) and the Arawak-speaking Wapisiana live on the upper reaches and tributaries of the interior rivers. Many of these interior groups maintain their identity while others are becoming rapidly acculturated. Missionary activity is widespread, and working for wages is becoming more common on the cattle ranches. Many Indians also collect balata, and some produce a small surplus of cassava flour for the local markets. At the extreme southern end of Guyana live the Waiwai, one of the most colorful groups of Amerindians in South America. Intensive missionary activity and influence are rapidly changing their traditional ways of life. In general, the Amerindians of Guyana are typical representatives of what anthropologists call Tropical Forest culture. The primary characteristics of this culture, which differentiate it from the ways of life in neighboring areas, are the cultivation of manioc, extensive use of canoes, hammocks used as beds, and pottery making. Men and women wear loincloths or aprons, and sandals. They decorate themselves with brightly colored feathers and other ornaments inserted through holes in the lips, nose, or ears. Most men pull out their facial hair, and tattooing is practiced by many people. Body and face painting with vegetable dyes and animal oils is common. Hair styles vary from group to group. Arm and leg bands, necklaces and rings are worn everywhere. The Tropical Forest Amerindians live in small settlements of 30 to 40 related individuals. These settlements are only semi-permanent because the people must move whenever the soil has been exhausted by their agricultural techniques. The basic house form is rectangular with a pitched roof supported on a ridge pole. Some people build large circular houses up to 50 feet in diameter, but the basic dwelling is for a single family. Savanna people usually build walls for their houses, but the forest people do not. Houses contain little furniture. There are logs and carved wooden benches for sitting, and hammocks for sleeping and relaxing. Household tools are often hung from the roof. The economy of the Tropical Forest dwellers is based on a combination of farming, hunting, gathering and fishing. The principal farming method is to cut down one or two acres of forest and burn the slash in place. Ashes fertilize the field for the first crops, but the soil then is depleted rapidly. Planting may be done by men, women, or both, but weeding and harvesting are women's work. The basic crop is manioc; both "bitter" and "sweet" varieties are grown. The Amerindians also raise pineapple, papaya, gourd, sweet potato, cotton, tobacco, pepper, avocado, and maize. They also grow plants introduced by Europeans; these include banana, plantain, yam, sugarcane, and citrus fruits. The Amerindians collect a wide variety of wild fruits, honey, insects and reptiles to supplement their diet, but they have not developed any specialized techniques for collecting. Hunting is a more important activity, and many forest and river animals are taken. Hunters use blowguns, bows and arrows, spears, harpoons, traps, and dogs. The hunters usually work alone or with one partner and they rely on their ability to stalk their prey. Fishing is a major activity of all the Amerindians. The principal techniques include the use of hook and line, poisoning, traps, nets, and shooting with arrows and spears. The staple food, manioc, is peeled, grated, squeezed in a tube made of basketry, and baked. Surplus meat is dried and smoked. Meat and vegetables are cooked together continuously in a stew pot. Soft drinks are made from many fruits and fermented, intoxicating drinks are made from manioc bread, maize, sweet potatoes, pineapple, cashew, sugarcane, and bananas. Tobacco is smoked or chewed everywhere. Land transportation is limited to whatever an individual can carry. Water transportation, however, is provided by many varieties of dugout canoes, bark canoes, and rafts. The Guyana Amerindian men have highly developed the techniques and arts of basketry. The basic methods are wickerwork, checkerboard, and twilled weaving. A great variety of products ranges from mats and baskets to fish traps and manioc presses. Cotton thread is spun into cord for such things as hammocks and fish lines. Hammocks, belts and aprons are woven on looms. The Amerindian settlement is supervised by a headman with the advice of older men in the group. There are no formal tribal organizations, however, and groups are related only by marriage and language. Married couples frequently live with the bride's family, and a man may have more than one wife. Amerindian mothers are separated from their families or communities during childbirth. Fathers' movements outside the settlement also are restricted. This practice is based on the idea that the well-being of the child's spirit depends on the presence of the father. Education is informal and imitative. There are puberty ordeals for both boys and girls. The dead are mourned in a variety of ceremonies, and usually buried under the floor of the house which then is abandoned. The drinking spree is the most common form of social recreation. Sprees last many days and are marked by dancing, athletic competitions, and sex play. Musical instruments include woodwinds, drums, and strings. The Amerindians believe the world was created by a man-like heroic figure. They also believe there is a "boss spirit," but he is not worshipped. Animals with magical powers populate their myths, and all things in the world are endowed with spirits. A medicine man, or shaman, is found in every community, and he usually serves as an adviser or curer. Intensive missionary activity among the Amerindians has been only partially successful. All of the Protestant denominations which had missions among the East Indians and the Africans sent ministers into the interior (see ch. 11, Religion). The Anglican and Presbyterian Churches have had the most success among Amerindians, but the Roman Catholic Church also maintains missions among them. A semi-Christian religion, the Hallelujah cult, has developed among the Carib-speaking people. It combines certain elements of Christianity with indigenous beliefs. Many Amerindians feel hostile and cheated, in part because of missionary disapproval of their traditional beliefs and customs and the missionary emphasis on concepts and customs which could not easily be absorbed into the old framework. The general cultural disorientation has outweighed other benefits, with the possible exception of vastly improved health. Air travel has brought medical care (and missionaries) within reach of nearly all the Amerindians, and their population is expanding as a result. The colonial government made plans for reservations, but they never were implemented. The policy of the new government is to encourage the "absorption" of Amerindians into Guyanese society. The government hopes to do this by providing professional and technical training through the use of mobile schools, hostels, and other facilities. The success of this plan remains to be determined.