$Unique_ID{COW00437}
$Pretitle{266}
$Title{Bolivia
The Exploding Rainbow Folk life, Legends, Music and Dance}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Matthias Strecker}
$Affiliation{Embassy of Bolivia, Washington DC}
$Subject{dance
aymara
groups
music
bolivia
quechua
dances
altiplano
spanish
cueca}
$Date{1989}
$Log{}
Country:     Bolivia
Book:        The Cultural Guide of Bolivia
Author:      Matthias Strecker
Affiliation: Embassy of Bolivia, Washington DC
Date:        1989

The Exploding Rainbow Folk life, Legends, Music and Dance

     The cultural heritage of Bolivia stems from various and diverse origins.
This is a reflection of the population of the country which can be divided
basically into three distinct ethnic and cultural groups. These are the
linguistically and culturally diverse Indians, the descendants of the
Spaniards who first arrived in the mid-16th century, and a large group of
racially mixed people known today as cholos. Although it is extremely
difficult to arrive at concrete statistics as to the sizes of these groups, it
may be estimated that at least 53 percent of the total population are pure
Indian, 32 percent make up the cholo sector, and the remaining 15 percent are
of European heritage and background. Distinctions are more accurately made not
on the basis of race or physical characteristics, but on lifestyle and
language. However, there is often an overlapping and blending of group
characteristics that somewhat blur sharp distinctions in many cases.

     Both the Indians and those of European background, then, have contributed
in their distinctive and interesting ways to the evolution and development of
Bolivian folk culture. This is observed, for example, in the music-some of
which is purely Indian, some of which originated with the arrival of the
Spaniards, and some of which represents a blend of these two.

The Aymara and the Quechua

     The two main Indian groups in Bolivia are the Aymara and the Quechua. In
addition, there are other smaller ethnic groups, such as the Uru and the
Chipaya of the Altiplano, and several groups who inhabit the Amazonian jungle
areas. The Aymara are highland people, and the Quechua inhabit the high
valleys and the Puna. They are either farmers or herders of sheep and llamas.
At one time they were both dominated by the Incas, whose language was Quechua.
However, the Aymara were allowed to retain their own language. The Aymara and
Quechua as a rule do not intermarry and have kept their languages and cultures
distinct.

     The Aymara-speaking people of the northern Altiplano display strong
cultural distinctiveness in dress. Although variations are found, the basic
dress for men consists of tight, ankle-length trousers slit at the lower end;
a short, tight jacket, a poncho; and a knitted wool cap with ear flaps worn
under a homemade felt hat. The women wear either a large number of knee-length
skirts (polleras) or one ankle-length skirt, with an embroidered blouse, a
shawl (manta), and a hat of design. The traditional dress is made exclusively
of homespun textiles. In recent years, the Aymara have begun adopting the
clothes of the cholo-machine-produced trousers and suit jackets for the men
and the felt derby hat for the women. A piece of clothing worn by both the
Aymara and Quechua is the awayo, a rectangular piece of wool or cotton woven
traditionally in the design peculiar to the region. The awayo is fastened
across the shoulders to allow the wearer to carry upon his back a baby or an
infinite variety of parcels; it may also be simply worn across the shoulders
and tied or pinned in front as a wrap. Beautiful hand woven woolen awayos are
now giving way to brightly-striped cotton, often machine made. In the more
outlying areas especially, one sees handsome authentic awayos, sometimes for
sale. They consist of two woven lengths stitched together to form a square
piece or, in some cases, only one woven piece. Fascinating patterns in both
color combinations and designs occur. The modern awayo, by contrast, has no
merit as a handicraft, but it is colorful and daily lends a bright touch to
city streets. (See chapter on textiles for more information on awayos and
other clothing traditions)

     The religion of the Aymara reflects a blend of pre-conquest traditions
and practices, such as reverence for various place spirits and the venerable
Pachamama (mother earth), coupled with certain Christian beliefs, such as the
Virgin and Catholic saints. Much of the social life which binds together the
Aymara communities revolves around the celebration of Christian fiestas. Most
communities have specific patron saints, whose days are observed by masses,
dancing, drinking and banqueting. The celebration calls forth the most
strenuous and organized efforts of the residents. The sponsorship of these
fiestas is closely bound in with the structure of local leadership; for
traditionally, prestige, respect and power have been given to those men who
have been most active in support of the long and expensive festivities. The
dance is the focal point of Aymara ceremonial and recreational life, and every
major festivity is celebrated by continuous dancing, both by individuals and
by groups especially organized for the occasion. Although dance steps and
costumes vary considerably among localities, many common themes are
represented in dances throughout Aymara territory. The costumes, which are
rich and often fantastic, made from brocade, silver thread and braiding, glass
beads and mirrors, are purchased at great expense or rented from craftsmen who
manufacture them in town workshops.

     The economic self-sufficiency and the highly distinctive ceremonial life
of the Aymara have produced a rich and varied pattern of handicraft, music and
dance. The most utilitarian objects made by Aymara craftsmen often display a
high degree of technical competence and artistic beauty. Spinning and weaving
of all available forms of wool (sheep, llama, alpaca and vicuna) are skills
which were at one time known to almost all Aymara. The visitor to the
Altiplano will inevitably see the pueblo women in doorways and walking down
roads spinning raw wool on small hand-held spindles. The introduction of
industrially produced clothings has, however, caused a considerable decline in
the weaving craft which now survives only in certain areas.

     Although the great majority of Aymara adults are still illiterate and
unable to speak Spanish, a significant percentage of their children are
receiving at least a rudimentary education. Many aspects of traditional Aymara
culture, more resistant to change, have been carried over into the newly
emerging way of life. The fiestas, so important in defining local leadership,
continue to be celebrated with enthusiasm. Traditional Aymara folk music has
not been replaced by the more commercialized popular music, in spite of the
increasing ownership of transistor radios and phonographs by the Indians.

     Quechua speakers in Bolivia include a variety of local groupings who
consider themselves to be ethnically distinct from each other. The Quechua
language was imposed by the Incas on several culturally and linguistically
divergent people, and at the time of the conquest, many of these groups still
maintained separate social identities. This ethnic independence among the
Quechua has been maintained to the present to a wide extent due to their
social isolation and relative immobility. Their social identities are
represented by the many distinctive traditional costumes. Although the
characteristic dress, as in the case of the Aymara, consists of garments
patterned on old Spanish styles, the headwear, color and poncho design vary
greatly and often serve to distinguish Indians of neighboring communities. In
addition, the Quechua language, much more than the Aymara, is divided by many
variations in regional dialect. The areas occupied by the Quechua are more
varied in altitude, climate and nearness to urban centers and markets than are
those of the Aymara. There are Quechua speakers in the relatively low, fertile
valleys of Cochabamba and on the high, bleak plateaus of Potosi, in
Chuquisaca, parts of Oruro, and also the mountainous western edge of
Cochabamba. The social and economic environments in which they live are
equally varied. The Indians living in settlements virtually uninhabited by
cholos or other Spanish speakers have been largely free of outside influence
for centuries.

     By contrast, the Quechua of the Cochabamba valley have long been in close
contact with other diverse Bolivian groups and also with intensive commercial
activity and thus form a somewhat special case. The relations between these
Quechua and the cholos in the Cochabamba Valley have historically been
smoother than in other areas, and the two groups have worked together in
common causes. These same Indians have always been bilingual to a greater
degree than other Indian groups. They have also adopted much more readily to
the cholo way of life, and as a result, their ethnic distinctiveness has been
somewhat weakened. They have abandoned their traditional dress over the years,
with the men wearing manufactured cotton work clothes and the Cochabamba
Quechua women wearing factory-made shawls and the high crowned reaming white
enameled starched hats of the Cochabamba cholas. The religious life of the
Cochabamba Quechua includes many pre-conquest survivals, such as homage to
Pachamama; in contrast to the Aymara, they lack specialized rituals and
communal observances. The music and dance of the Cochabamba Indians are
largely identical to those of the local cholo population; only in the most
outlying areas has there been any survival of either pre-conquest instruments
or melodies. Through widening educational opportunities, the Quechua youth of
the Cochabamba Valley are becoming fluent and partially literate in Spanish.

Other Ethnic Groups

     On the northern and southern peripheries of the Aymara territory live the
now dwindled remnants of two groups who managed to retain their ethnic
identity through both the Incan and Spanish conquests. The Chipaya, llama and
sheep herders of the inhospitable Carangas region of the western Oruro
Department, speak Puquina and Aymara. This tribe has at various times been
driven from its lands, intermingled and intermarried to some extent with the
surrounding Aymara, and today is so small numerically that it is in danger of
disappearing along with the language. According to estimates there may be
today no more than 600 Chipaya. The Uru, a fishing and herding people who
inhabited the reed swamps of the Desaguadero River and nearby portions of Lake
Titicaca, have suffered a similar fate.

     The ethnic groups in the eastern lowlands include the Guarani (numbering
about 20,000), the Guarayo (about 15,000), and the Chiquitano (15,000). In
addition, there are 25 other groups whose total approximate population numbers
some 15,000. Each group has its own language, many of which have never been
classified. The tipoy, or low-wasted shift-like dress, is the most common
clothing for the women, who traditionally wear their hair in long braids. The
men wear western style clothing. Although the Jesuits settled missions in
some of these remote areas more than 300 years ago, these ethnic groups are
only in recent time being rapidly assimilated into Bolivian culture. While
the speed of acculturation has been accelerated, the difficulties of
transportation to these areas still pose a problem to their complete
assimilation into the language and customs of the country.

Some Folk Customs

     Some of the customs initiated by the Incas can still be found in modified
form in present-day Bolivia. One of these is the hair-cutting ritual
(ruthuchiku). The Incan custom was to hold a fiesta when the child reached the
age of two years and was weaned from his mother's breast. This was often
accompanied by the hair cutting ceremony in which the child's head was
completely shaved. The cutting of the hair followed a specified pattern; the
first lock was cut by a padrino chosen from all the relatives, and the
remaining hair was then cut by other relatives in order according to age and
ranks who at the same time gave the child a present. At this occasion the
child's name given him at birth was substituted by a new, permanent one. The
occasion was celebrated with banquet and singing and dancing for several days.
For the Incan crown prince, the festivities lasted for 20 days. In present day
Bolivia a small child's head is shaved and the accompanying celebration may
last one day, with the child receiving gifts of money. One practical aspect of
this custom is said to be a thicker growth of hair in later life.

     For the Indians there are three types of men who possess magic secrets:
wise men (amauta), fortune tellers (yatiri), and (colliri) who are said to
possess both supernatural powers and practical knowledge. The yatiri practice
fortune telling by reading coca leaves. The most common way of doing this is
to place the leaves on a cloth after previously speaking to the spirits and
then to observe the design and direction among the leaves. Another method is
to place the coca in the open hand, looking for interpretations in its shape.
In this way the yatiri foretell the future and discover the location of lost
persons or items.

     Among the healers, the callahuaya deserve special mention. The callahuaya
are the famous traveling healers and charm sellers of the Andes. With a bag of
roots, herbs, ointments and amulets, the callahuaya travel the length of the
Andes from Argentina to Ecuador, often spending their entire careers as
traveling vendors and healers. The herbal remedies known to them number in the
thousands and are prepared from plants of both the highlands and the eastern
lowlands. Because of their reputed healings of both body and soul, the
callahuaya enjoy prestige and far-flung fame.

     The Altiplano Indians have traditionally chewed the leaves of the coca
plant. During Incan times, coca was only used by Incan royalty for ceremonial
purposes. The Spanish found it to their advantage to encourage the practice
and often paid their laborers in the precious leaves.

     In Bolivia, as in other Latin American countries, relationships are
established with members outside of one's family through the institution of
godparent relationships (compadrazgo). The visitor to Bolivia will find that
great value is placed on interpersonal relationships, both within the family
as well as others. Godparents (padrinos) are usually chosen in two ways; one
is based on close ties of friendship generally among people of equal social
status; and in the second case, those in poorer and weaker positions seek to
establish bonds of artificial kinship with the more affluent and socially
prominent.

     The visitor will find that in Bolivia the custom of asking for padrinos
seems to be still more ingrained than in other countries, and padrinos are
required also for a larger variety of occasions than elsewhere. Thus Bolivians
not only arrange godparents for the traditional baptisms, and civil and
religious marriage ceremonies, but also for a specific part of the
aforementioned ceremonies, such as buying the wedding cake, buying the bride's
gloves, or joining with several other godmothers (madrinas) to buy the bride's
veil. Men may be asked to sponsor the uniforms of a given sports club, to pay
for the plaque at an inauguration site of a community development project,
such as a new bridge, or to buy the trophy for a football championship. In all
of these cases the sponsoring man or woman receives the title of padrino or
madrina. In the cases of baptism and marriage the godparent assumes a more
lasting and binding relationship. If he is the godfather of a child, he will
always be responsible as a padrino for the physical and spiritual well-being
of this child and is expected to remember each birthday and other special
events in the child's life, such as graduation, with gifts. He is also
obligated to offer advice to the child when called upon. With the child's
parents he enters into the compadre bond, through which they will be loyal to
each other and help each other in times of need. The padrinos for a couple at
marriage are expected to counsel the newlyweds later if marital problems arise
and the couple seeks help.

     Traditionally, especially in rural areas, the large landowner, the
merchant and the politician assumed a large number of compadre relationships
for purposes of cementing their authority over the population. Although this
is slowly fading away, it is still common for poorer families to ask the more
affluent to become their padrinos, and here the visitor and foreign resident
in Bolivia should be careful in accepting and also feeling free to reject
requests for becoming padrinos for specific events and ceremonies.

Folk Beliefs and Legends

     Bolivian folklore, both Aymara and Quechua, is rich in legends and
traditions. The natural world of mountains, animals, and plants, and a
supernatural world peopled with mythological beings are the source of
countless myths and beliefs. A small sampling of this indigenous folklore is
offered here as an introduction for the visitor; many more tales and
traditions are chronicled in various Bolivian anthologies.

Pachamama

     The strongest traditions surround Pachamama (Mother Earth), the most
powerful being after the sun in Indian mythology. The Indian renders special
homage to Earth, so that Pachamama has become through centuries of strong
beliefs a true goddess. She is a goddess of good and evil, both adored and
feared by the Aymara. Generous and loving, she protects man, animals and
plants; but when angered, she is cruel and revengeful. For her the Indian
practices many rituals and sacrifices. Pachamama presides over virtually all
acts within his life: significant acts such as marriage and birth as well as
mundane acts like drinking or chewing the day's first coca. Pachamama has the
right to all first things. Starting a trip, the Indian carefully places the
first fistful of coca which he has chewed at a spot in the road as an offering
to Pachamama rather than throw it away. She also receives tribute when the
first furrows are plowed and before the harvest. At a gathering, each guest
sprinkles his first drops of liquor upon the ground, another offering to the
ever-present Mother Earth. In moments of highest joy or deepest bitterness,
Pachamama is present as an intimate, indispensable symbol in the life of the
Indian.

     When a house is constructed, homage is rendered to Pachamama in a special
ceremony, the challa. Without the sacrifice to her (cucho), the house could
not be finished, or if finished, there would never be peace under its roof.
When the foundations are laid, a small hole or niche is left at ground level.
On the day of the cucho, which is always a Saturday, the owner and the people
engaged in construction gather at the house. The cucho has been prepared,
consisting of a wax figure of a man, a few grains of incense, some aromatic
herbs, a few leaves of coca, cotton on a branch, a few pieces of melted tin
shaped in the form of humans, animals and household objects. This collection
of objects is placed together and wine or pisco sprinkled over it to begin the
ceremony. One of the workmen acts as a holy man, and he is left alone with the
cucho. Placing the cucho over a pile of dried branches, he burns it in a
fire, observing the direction of the smoke to determine if bad spirits will
abandon the place. As he chews a handful of coca, he mumbles invocations to
Pachamama and asks for her blessings. When the other participants return, the
holy man places the coca he has chewed in the midst of the ashes and ties all
of this into a sack which is placed in the prepared hole in the foundation.
From that moment on, the cucho is the invisible guardian of the workmen and
the inhabitants of the house. Now the festivities begin, but each guest before
drinking any liquor pours a few drops over the sealed niche that contains the
cucho.

Ekeko

     One of the most enduring and endearing of the legendary Aymara gods and
folk heroes is Ekeko, the god of good fortune and plenty. Described as having
a happy face to make children laugh, a fat belly because he likes to eat and
short legs so he cannot run away, his image, usually in plaster of paris, can
be bought during the Alacitas fair in La Paz every January. This whimsical
little man is laden with sacks of grain and sweets, tools, baskets, utensils,
suitcases, confetti and streamers, rice, noodles and other essentials.

Creation

     Many and varied legends describe the creation of the Andean race. The
most popular Incan account, which itself appears in various versions, is the
myth of Tiwanaku, which says that Andean man came from the water of Lake
Titicaca . Another legend, and one with more historical backing, says that
the founders of the race arrived by land or sea from a distant area.

     By Aymara tradition, Huiracocha, the principal god, created the universe,
brought light, and from stones made various human couples, each destined to
form a community. Each place of origin was called an achachila, and each of
the achachila contained an idol around which a cult developed. The major
achachilas were Lake Titicaca, Illimani, the hills of Potosi, the Desaguadero
River, and certain rocks and caves. Often a small pile of stones is found
along roads, and these stones are offerings made by travelers to the nearest
achachila.

Some superstitions

     The Indian reveres the world above his head, which he calls the above
(Alajpacha). This sphere includes celestial and spiritual phenomena, the
heavenly bodies and the home of the souls. The earthly world (Acapacha), is
also revered, and this includes the earth, wind and organic beings. The sun
Inti is the father-protector, giver of light and life. The moon Pajsi
indicates the time of sowing and of the harvest. The stars, Warawara, serve
as guides to travelers, and the rainbow, Curmi, is an evil spirit. To stop the
rainbow's bad influence, chewed coca is thrown at it. But one must not point
at it nor view it from the front. Huairatata is father-wind, husband of
Pachamama. He frequently draws water from Lake Titicaca to the sky, from
whence he causes it to fall upon the earth as rain. Wind and Earth form an
inseparable myth, and the idol with which they were traditionally represented
was a two-sided statue encircled by snakes. This idol was considered more
powerful than the sun. The underground divinity which produces seismic
movements is a huge black boa with a flattened head and fiery eyes; he can
reduce himself to the size of a worm and suck the blood of young people
causing anemia and tuberculosis. The kindly deity of deserted places is Huasa
Mallcu, who takes the shape of the magnificent and austere condor; when the
wind stops, flowers perfume his way. His opposite is the devil, Supaya, whose
three servants cause great damage. The antidote against such evil is a certain
plant and the image of Mama Sara, the deity of corn.

     Animals are also objects of superstition. Three totem animals which
represent the vigor of the race are the condor, puma and vicuna. These
traditionally favored animals constitute some of the principal decorative
motifs in Tiwanaku art. Other animals of special powers include the armadillo,
instrument of vengeance in witchcraft; the moth, which foretells death; and
certain birds, whose singing is ominous. The lizard has curative powers when
held against the body; the frog plays an important role in witchcraft. A
series of amulets or protecting charms called huakankis has developed from
these beliefs in the supernatural powers of animals. These are small images
made of stone, bone, wood or clays, used to attract the virtue or dispel the
witchery of the various animals. There is a great variety of amulets; they
come in different shapes, such as little hands, or in the shape of the object
desired-good harvest, good oxen or other cattle, and land. Some amulets are
worn to attain the love of a woman and often take the shape of a
rattlesnake. An amulet in the shape of boar's teeth will bring the love of a
man.

The legend of illimani

     Many are the legends about Mount Illimani, the frozen, eternal guardian
overlooking the city of La Paz. The following story is how it came to pass
that Illimani is the mountain with no rival in the La Paz basin, according to
the best known Aymara tradition.

     At the creation of the world, two gigantic mountains were formed over the
basin in which La Paz now nestles. One of them, Illimani, was positioned so
that the setting sun set it ablaze with colors. The mountain was especially
lovely from this high canyon, but this same mountain viewed from its other
side from the Yungas appeared deformed. Farther north rose the second
mountain, taller and thicker. Seen from the high canyon its form was awkward
and graceless and the sun's setting rays passed over it, leaving it colorless.
But seen from the Yungas at the site today occupied by Coroico, it was
distinguished and beautiful.

     The god who created the two giants was greatly frustrated by his
handiwork; he became an eternal pilgrim, traveling constantly back and forth
from the high canyon to the Yungas, always asking himself, "Which mountain is
the most magnificent?" From which side did he want to view a handsome son?
Wearied of his journeying and indecision, he reposed one afternoon by the
shore of the River Choqueyapu that runs even today through the canyon. His
gaze rested upon Illimani, which that day appeared more lovely than ever. The
other mountain, by contrast, was showing its ugly side. Suddenly he made his
decision; Illimani was his favorite son, and the god would establish his
permanent home in this basin by the river running with gold, so that he could
daily feast upon the magnificence of Illimani's most beautiful side.
Furthermore, he would destroy the second mountain. With a sling, he hurled a
stone from the River Choqueyapu at the mountain, shouting "Sarjama" ("Go
away"). The mountain split in two and its head rolled far across the
Altiplano to settle permanently among the Cordillera Occidental and be known
as mount Sajama. The lower half of the mountain remained in its place, now
flattened across the top. Since then, it has been called Mururata (beheaded).
Thus, over the basin in which later the city of La Paz was founded, Illimani
became the sole and undisputed sovereign.

The legend of the kantuta

     Many and varying legends explain the strong sentiment the Altiplano
Indian has long felt for the graceful kantuta, now Bolivia's national flower.
It is said that this affinity for the flower reaches back into the Incan
period. Here is one of these legends, a poignant story of unfulfilled love.

     Once upon a time one of the cruelest Incas sat on the empire's throne. It
happened that this tyrant had a daughter so beautiful that the fame of her
loveliness had traveled to the ends of the empire. The monarch, once on a
journey to the Island of the Sun, spent several days in the lakeside
settlement of Copacabana. His beautiful, favorite daughter accompanied him
and during their stay in Copacabana she met a young man of the town. Kento
was handsome but of lowly birth, the descendant of a people who years before
had fallen under the Incan yoke and had been transferred to the shores of Lake
Titicaca. The two young people fell in love with an ardent passion, but both
realized the hopelessness of such love. The princess knew that, even if she
confessed her love to her father, he would never permit marriage outside the
customs and traditions of the royal house. Kento also recognized the
undeniable barriers to their marriage, and the two young people faced the
most serious dilemma of their lives.

     Then the Inca announced that the following day his entourage would leave
Copacabana for the return trip to Cuzco. After a day busy with preparations
for the leave-taking, the princess secretly slipped out of her room by night.
It was a dark and foreboding night with no moon or stars shining through the
thick, ominous clouds. The princess, nevertheless, directed herself with
resolution toward the house of her beloved, and had almost attained her
destination when she slipped and fell into a deep ravine in the depth of which
grew a thicket. A sharp cry rent the silence of the night. As the princess had
plunged down into the ravine, drops of her blood had fallen on plants and
thorns. And in the morning, these drops appeared like flower petals which had
blossomed overnight. The body of the princess was discovered at the bottom of
the ravine, and at that place a short time later a strange unknown bush began
to grow. When this bush flowered, its delicate blossoms were in the shape of a
chalice and they were red, the color of the princess's blood. As this bush
first appeared near Kento's house, the people called the flower kentu-uta
pankara (flower of Kento's house).

The Dance

     The music of Bolivia is perhaps the very heartbeat of the country. Each
region of Bolivia has fostered music that reflects its distinctive lifestyle;
the color, tempo and mood of the inhabitants; and their physical surroundings.
Thus the music of the Altiplano is played in a minor key and tends to be sad
and mournful. The music from the lowlands, on the other hand, is gayer and
faster.

     A recent and definite change has taken place in Bolivian music. With the
advent of popular new musical groups a trend has occurred whereby more
importance is given to the vocal part of a group and the instruments are used
as accompaniment to the voice. This is in direct contrast to the origin of
Altiplano music, where a voice was never even heard among the musical groups,
and the instruments were all-important. However, the voice has always played
an important part in the music of the eastern lowlands, the region with more
Spanish and Creole influence.

     The traditions of the dance display a rich and ancient heritage that
typifies much of the Bolivian spirit. A brief outline of some of the major
dance types and forms is offered here as a mere introduction. To really know
Bolivian dance, of course, you must witness the spectacle in person-or
actually join in the pulsating rhythms and movements yourself.

Organized group (comparsa) dances

     The comparsas are organized groups of dancers who perform before
spectators prescribed dances following a set pattern of movements to a
particular accompanying music, wearing a specific costume or uniform. In
almost every case the comparsa dances are very old, having originated among
the people out of certain contexts and circumstances. (See Chapter 18 - the
Carnival of Oruro, for a description of Bolivia's most famous comparsa, the
Devil Dancers (Diablada), and several other principal dances.) Two more such
groups deserve mention here.

Auqui-Auqui

     This is Aymara for Old Man-Old Man. The dance is a satire of the
solemnity and pomposity of Spanish gentlemen of the colonial period. Because
of their dignified dress and quaint manners they seemed old, and a humped
back is added to the dancers to emphasize age. The dance caricatures their
solemn movements and dress. The costume is thus very exaggerated, featuring a
tall hat and crooked walking canes of liana. The music is pretty, and the
crooked cane is moved in time with the feet in quick, darting movements.
Sometimes a woman appears during the dance, and the quaint little men take
notice. The humped men of this comparsa create a humorous, appealing sight.

Las lecheras

     This dance recalls the time when milkmaids (lecheras) delivered milk to
homes in metal milk cans. This vocation is now fading away. The dancers wear
as many as 15 or 20 wide skirts (polleras), a richly embroidered blouse
(jubon), bowler hat, shawl (manta), and they carry miniature milk cans. The
choreography is relatively simple.

Dances for everyone

     Many specific dances for couples and/or groups are danced spontaneously
in fiestas in all parts of Bolivia. These include indigenous dances that have
originated in and may remain typical of a particular region of Bolivia and
ballroom dances (bailes de salon) that reflect a Spanish influence. The
Bolivians are tireless dancers, and dancing is the most popular form of
entertainment at parties in the home.

     Of the indigenous dances, one of the most popular is the huayno. It
originated on the Altiplano but is now embraced in most areas of Bolivia. As
a dance of the Altiplano campesinos the music had no words. Adopted later by
the Creole it was given words, and the dance itself developed more
choreography and sophistication. Today at a fiesta the huayno can become a
frenzied sort of dance (locura, the Bolivians say), with everyone dancing and
following many different steps as they like. It concludes with a return to the
main theme but faster and with more animation (zapateo). The dance may be
accompanied by brass bands, zamponas, and all types of instrument groups.

     Similar to the huayno is the taquirari. It also originated with
Altiplano Indians and was later adopted by other social groups. It may be
played as an instrumental only or with words. The lowland version is
particularly distinctive.

     The carnavalito is another typical dance, used especially during
Carnival. It is popular in the lowlands, the valley and the Altiplano region
with definite mood differences among the three regions.

     From the lowlands, especially north of Santa Cruz, comes the chovena. It
is a dance that originated with certain tribal dances and has now evolved
into a ballroom dance.

     Another purely folkloric dance is the machetero, showing definite
influence from the tribal areas of the lowlands. The dress includes a large
corona of bright macaw tail-feathers, a robe made of bark (tipoy), and
machetes of wood carried by the dancers. The traditional instruments used to
accompany this unusual dance include a flute made of bird bones, a drum and a
very large drum (bombo).

     The chapaqueada is a dance from Tarija which pertains to religious
festivals such as Christmas and Easter. The name comes from the word Chapaco,
a person from Tarija. Typically Tarijan instruments accompany the chapaqueada:
the erke, a wind instrument similar in form to the pututu, the cana, a very
long flute which makes a very distinctive sound and is held over the shoulder;
the caja, a type of drum; and the chapaco violin, a three-stringed violin.

     Another interesting dance is the kullahuada of the Altiplano. The men
dancers hold a spindle in their hands and wear a distinctive costume. The list
of indigenous dances is endless, and thus the foregoing is only a partial
listing.

     Of the ballroom dances, the cueca deserves special attention. Of direct
Spanish influence, it is similar to the Spanish jota, a dance involving the
use of castanets. In Bolivia the castanets are replaced by handkerchief held
gracefully in the hands of both partners. As the cueca evolved in Latin
America, it traveled from Peru to Chile, thence to Argentina and ended its
evolutionary circle in Bolivia. Today the cueca is very representative of
Bolivia, being as typical of this country as the tango is of Argentina. The
music has a measure of three beats, has a distinctly national flavor, and is
more elaborate than primitive. The dance includes an introduction and three
distinct parts. It is a dance performed by one couple; while a whole room of
couples may be dancing the cueca at the same time, they never come together as
a group.

     During the introduction, the couple meets, actually standing and looking
at one another in what may be a provocative manner. Then the word "adentro" is
called out which is the signal for the beginning of the dance. In the first
part the man tries to win the lady, who eludes him and escapes. In the second
part (quimba), the step is softer and the music more lyrical; the idea is that
an agreement between the two has been reached. The third part is signaled by
the word "ahora". This is called the zapateo and is a repetition of the first
part with more force. It is the climax of the dance, and the spectators
applaud in rhythm with the beat. The entire cueca is always repeated once.

     Oftentimes the second part of the cueca begins with the words "aro, aro,
aro" shouted by the dancers. A tray is suddenly dropped upon the floor and all
music and dancing stop. The honored couple is then obliged to interlock arms,
and each drinks a glass of liquor dry. After this dizzying ritual, the music
and dancing resume to the finish.

     The cueca is danced in the high valleys and the Altiplano area. The
rhythm and beat in both regions are the same, but there are distinct
differences in spirit and mood. Among the cuecas danced in the high valleys,
that of Tarija is particularly distinctive. The words of the cueca usually
deal with love themes asking love, protesting a lack of love in the partner,
etcetera. It is sometimes played solely as an instrumental.

     The Bolivian composer Simeon Roncal wrote 20 cuecas in concert form for
piano. These cuecas are slower and particularly beautiful, being more for
listening in concert than for dancing.

     The harmonium, or reed organ, and a battery of drums and cymbal have been
the traditional instruments of accompaniment for the cueca. This tradition is
fading, however, and today all types of instrumental combinations are used:
accordion, guitar, charango, piano, and others. Complete bands are also used
today.

     The bailecito is similar to the cueca in several respects: it is danced
in both the high valleys and Altiplano, differing in mood in each area; it is
an imitation of Spanish ballroom dances; it has an introduction and three
parts, including the zapateo with spectators clapping; the partners carry
handkerchiefs; and it can be played as an instrumental or sung, with a variety
of instrumental groups as accompaniment. But there are also distinct
differences between the cueca and the bailecito. The bailecito is finer and
more delicate, and without the emphasis on provocative mannerisms. Shorter
than the cueca, it is always played through three times. It reflects an
influence from the minuet and other ballroom dances involving groups
interacting in dance patterns. The bailecito is for four people, two couples,
whose dance pattern is in the form of a square. The lyrics employ very
picturesque words with double meanings, many dealing with love themes. While
the bailecito is danced today, it is not nearly as common now as it was in the
past.

     Another interesting musical tradition is the copla, a contest between two
people, each of whom has a guitar, who respond to one another through
alternating verses of the song. The music is slow without much variation, but
the words vary and are very important. The copla comes from Tarija.

     A list of Bolivian dances showing Spanish influence should include the
Christmas carols (Villancicos). The purpose of this music and dance is to
adore the Christ Child, and it is performed in churches as well as on the
streets and in private homes. Traditional to Sucre and La Paz, this seasonal
music is often gay. The common custom is for costumed children carolers to
visit various houses; they ask to enter the homes and praise the image of the
Christ Child through their music and dance in return for sweets or coins. They
approach the image of the baby marking the rhythm by hitting a castanet
against the palm and conclude their adoration by backing away from the
nativity scene. The instruments used with the Villancicos are the
Chullu-Chullo, which consists of flattened beer bottle caps strung on a
circular wire, the harmonica, drum and pajarillo. The latter is a can filled
with water that gives a birdlike sound when blown. In Sucre an unusual
instrument known as the rekeke is used at Christmas to accompany these carols,
wooden castanets are rubbed over tautly stretched cords strung between two
wooden bars. The Municipality of La Paz traditionally awards a prize to the
best caroler group.