$Unique_ID{COW00170} $Pretitle{273} $Title{Argentina Chapter 4D. Labor Groups} $Subtitle{} $Author{Craig H. Robinson} $Affiliation{HQ, Department of the Army} $Subject{cgt military government labor unions political country group leadership union} $Date{1987} $Log{} Country: Argentina Book: Argentina, A Country Study Author: Craig H. Robinson Affiliation: HQ, Department of the Army Date: 1987 Chapter 4D. Labor Groups The first labor organizations were mutual aid societies established along ethnic lines by Italian and Spanish immigrants in the early 1850s. The first formal labor union, the Buenos Aires Printers' Society (Sociedad Tipografica Bonaerense), was established in 1857. During the 1870s and 1880s a number of anarchists and socialists came to the country from Europe and soon formed a number of labor organizations that expressed a wide-often competing-variety of ideological currents (see The Road to Popular Democracy, ch. 1). The Argentine Regional Federation of Workers (Federacion Obrera Regional Argentina-FORA) was formed in 1890 by socialists but was taken over by anarchists in 1901. The revolutionary socialists then founded the General Workers' Union (Union General de Trabajadores-UGT), while the reform socialists formed the Argentine Workers' Confederation (Confederacion Obrera Argentina-COA). The Argentine Syndicalist Union (Union Sindical Argentina-USA) was founded by syndicalists in 1905. In 1909 the UGT was subsumed in a new socialist organization, the Regional Confederation of Argentine Workers (Confederacion Obrera Regional Argentina-CORA). The anarchist FORA was the major federation during this early period, but after 1910, largely owing to government repression, the anarchists lost the labor movement to the syndicalists. At its ninth congress in 1915, FORA split into two factions, reflecting the division between anarchists and syndicalists. One faction renounced anarchism and joined with CORA to form FORA-IX, taking its name from FORA's ninth congress. The other faction, remaining loyal to the anarchist resolutions of FORA's fifth congress, called itself FORA-V. The syndicalists remained in control of the labor movement until the mid-1930s. In 1930 the USA and COA merged to form the General Confederation of Labor (Conferacion General de Trabajo-CGT). In 1935 socialists and communists took over the CGT, and many of the syndicalist leaders reconstituted the USA. Few unions joined them, however. After 1935 the socialists and the communists competed for control of the CGT, leading to its bifurcation in 1942. The socialist CGT, known as CGT No. 1, sought to use the Socialist Party as the political vehicle for the CGT. The communist CGT, known as CGT No. 2, however, preferred to form an independent party to represent the unions. After the 1943 military coup, the CGT No. 2 was dissolved by government decree and its leadership arrested. In 1945 the unions that had been affiliated with it were reincorporated under government auspices into CGT No. 1, which reverted to its original name, the CGT. Under Peron's sponsorship, first from his position as secretary of labor and social welfare from 1943 to 1945 and then as president from 1946 to 1955, the socialists and the communists were largely eliminated from the CGT leadership, and the CGT became the only officially recognized labor confederation. Under the 1945 Law of Professional Associations, government recognition was required for a union to have the right to bargain collectively, to strike, or to appeal to a labor court. In addition, the law recognized only one union per industry and one national labor confederation. Union membership was greatly expanded, from 529,000 in 1945 to over 2.2 million in 1954, and wages, fringe benefits, and working conditions improved appreciably. As a result, the CGT became a principal support base for Peronism (see National Revolution, 1943-46; Argentina under Peron, 1946-55, ch. 1). After Peron's fall in 1955, the military intervened in the CGT and its constituent unions, replacing Peronist leaders with military officers. When internal union elections were held in 1956, a number of tendencies emerged that became known by the number of union elections they won. The 62 Organizations, which included most of the blue-collar unions, was led by the Peronists; the Group of 19 was led by communists; and the 32 Democratic Unions, made up mostly of white-collar unions, was led by noncommunist but anti-Peronist social democrats and Radicals. In 1960 the Group of 19, which by then had been reduced to only six small unions, reconstituted itself as the Movement of Labor Unity and Coordination (Movimiento de Unidad y Coordinacion Sindical-MUCS). That same year most of the constituent unions of the 32 Democratic Unions joined a newly formed sector known as the Independents. The CGT was reconstituted in 1963 with the Commission of 20 (equally divided between representatives of the 62 Organizations and the Independents) as its leadership. Neither the MUCS nor what remained of the 32 Democratic Unions was represented. The leadership of the 62 assumed effective control of the CGT but soon became divided over the position that the Peronist unions should adopt toward the government. An orthodox faction, led by Jose Alonso, violently opposed the Frondizi, Jose M. Guido, and Illia administrations and demanded the immediate return of Peron from exile. A participationist faction, led by Augusto Vandor, favored negotiation with the government while publicly maintaining loyalty to Peron. In 1964 the CGT, under Alonso's leadership, launched a series of violent strikes designed to force Peron's return. As a result, the Independents withdrew from the CGT. Two years later Vandor gained control of the CGT, and the orthodox faction withdrew. Later, in 1966, both the Independents and the orthodox faction returned to the CGT, but the organization remained under the control of the participationists. At the time of the 1966 coup, roughly 70 percent of the organized labor force belonged to the Peronist unions. Some 15 percent of these were nonaligned, and most of the rest were evenly divided between Vandor's 62 and Alonso's orthodox factions. The MUCS had three or four small unions with perhaps 2 percent of the CGT membership. The remaining members were Independents. The CGT split again after the 1966 coup. The participationist CGT-now named the CGT-Azopardo after the street on which its headquarters was located, though still led by Vandor-favored at least some cooperation with the government. The oppositionist CGT reconstituted itself in 1968 as the CGT of the Argentines (also now named the CGT-Paseo Colon after the street on which its headquarters was located) under the leadership of Raimundo Ongaro. The Ongania government recognized the CGT-Azopardo and appointed government officials to run the CGT of the Argentines, although it continued to operate independently. In May 1969, rioting, largely organized by members of the CGT of the Argentines, broke out in Cordoba and soon spread to other cities. The conflict within the labor movement became increasingly violent. Vandor was murdered in June 1969, and Ongania quickly replaced the leadership of the entire CGT. The violence continued, however, leading to Ongaro's murder in 1970. The CGT again reunited following the inauguration of Peron in 1973. After a short honeymoon between the CGT and Peron, strikes broke out again. In September more murders among the CGT leadership caused a general strike, government repression, and open warfare between the Peronist right and left. After the 1976 coup the leader of the CGT and the major unions were arrested, and new officials were appointed by the government. Many union leaders "disappeared" in the repression that followed the coup. However, most unions reorganized under new leadership. By 1978 three major groups had emerged within the labor movement: the National Labor Commission (Comision Nacional de Trabajo-CNT), consisting of unions seeking an accommodation with the military; the Committee of 25, made up of Peronist unions whose leadership survived the military purge; and the CGT, cleansed of its former leadership and operating illegally. A fourth group, the Labor Action Committee (Comite Gestion y Trabajo-CGYT), although part of the CNT, operated independently of its leadership on many issues. Finally, the Group of 20, a collection of independent unions, was formed. In 1979, following the government's announcement that it would soon promulgate a new labor law, labor leaders began jockeying for position within the labor movement. The CNT and the Committee of 25 joined to form the Only Vehicle of the Argentine Workers (Conduccion Unica de los Trabajadores Argentinos-CUTA), although the CNT and the Committee of 25, which then became known as the Group of 25, continued as separate organizations within the CUTA. The CNT began to lose member unions that were dissatisfied with the leadership's preference for negotiations with the government to more combative associations. The CUTA's leadership continued to press the government for recognition. In December 1979 the military promulgated its labor law. National union confederations were declared illegal, although factory and regional-level organizations were permitted. The law also required that union officials be elected by their membership to three-year terms that could only be renewed once. The social services that the unions had administered prior to 1976 would be retained by the state, and the closed shop was abolished. Unions were also barred from taking part in political activity. Another series of reorganizations within the labor movement followed the promulgation of the labor law, which the government moved to implement in selected unions. In 1980 the CUTA broke up, with the CNT joining the independent Group of 20 to form the CNT-20 and the Peronist Group of 25 reconstituting itself as the CGT-Brasil under the leadership of Miguel. The remnants of the former CGT then became known as the CGT-Azopardo. In 1983, as the country moved toward civilian rule, a unified labor movement was reestablished. The CGT-Brasil and the CNT-20 merged to form the General Confederation of Labor of the Argentine Republic (Confederacion General del Trabajo de la Republica Argentina-CGT-RA); the Group of 25, the Group of 20, the CGYT, and a collection of unions that called itself the Nonaligned faction operated within it. In October 1983 the CGT-Azopardo joined the CGT-RA in reestablishing the CGT, which at that time had five internal factions: the Group of 20, the Group of 25, the CGYT, the Nonaligned, and a non-Peronist group that called itself the Independents. After the inauguration of Alfonsin in December 1983, relations between the CGT and the government were difficult. In 1984 the Alfonsin government made an unsuccessful attempt to reorganize the labor movement, and there were numerous strikes and demonstrations organized by many of the constituent organizations of the CGT against the government's economic policies. In June 1985 the government recognized the CGT for the first time since 1976 and allowed it to return to its national headquarters building (see The Radical Government of Raul Alfonsin, this ch.). The Military as a Political Force The first military government in the twentieth century ruled the country from 1930, when Hipolito Yrigoyen was overthrown by a military conspiracy led by General Jose F. Uriburu, until 1932, when Uriburu oversaw fraudulent elections that were won by General Agustin P. Justo. Since then the military has played a major role in politics, acting, for most of the period from 1930 through 1983, like a political party with guns. In those 53 years six civilian governments were overthrown by the military (see Conservative Restoration, 1930-46; "Revolutionary" Argentina, 1955-72, ch. 1). The military was not normally a political actor that intervened in politics only in times of national emergency. Rather, it was an integral part of the political system. Just as all governments since 1945 have had to deal with the power of organized labor, all governments since 1930 have had to deal with the power of the military. All parties sought military allies either to support their governments or to overturn others, and the military, often with its own ideas on policy and the design of political institutions, sought allies among civilian politicians. The military, however, was not a unified actor. Like all the other political forces in the country, it was riven by internal factions that competed for power and influence and divided on the fundamental questions facing the country since 1945: the place of Peronism in the political system and the appropriate economic model to be followed. The military was especially divided in its response to Peronism. The military had been a crucial support for Peron, but after his overthrow in 1955, most Peronists among the senior officer corps were retired. The remaining officers became divided during the Aramburu government (1955-58). Those officers who had participated in the 1955 coup were opposed to the persecution of the Peronists. Another group, more influential in the Aramburu government, felt that Peronism should be eradicated from the country. Finally, a third faction emerged that was relatively neutral on Peronism but felt that the military should not attempt to govern the country for an extended period. In 1958 these groups were divided on the questions surrounding elections. The so-called quedantistas (from the verb quedar, to remain) wanted the military government to continue until the last vestiges of Peronism were eliminated. The so-called continuistas favored holding elections but wanted to ensure that the winner would be sympathetic to military goals. The so-called fair play group wished to hold elections without the participation of the Peronists and to respect whatever the results were. "Fair play" opinion prevailed, and Frondizi won the 1958 elections. Opinions within the officer corps hardened further under Frondizi. By 1962 there were two main factions, known as the colorados (reds) and the azules (blues). The colorados were hardline anti-Peronists, often confusing Peronism with communism. Given the electorate's obvious preference for Peronism, they concluded that the country was not ready for democracy. They demanded that the military rule until Peronism was destroyed. In economic matters, they believed that the conservative economic model of an economy based on the export of primary products was the most appropriate for the country. In 1962 the entire upper echelon of the navy, as well as the infantry and the engineers within the army, were colorados. The azules, also known as legalists or blandos, thought the military should stay out of the political process unless the alternative was chaos or a return to Peronism. Their main objection to Peronism, however, was Peron himself. They were Nationalist in orientation, supporting an economic policy of Economic Nationalism in order to industrialize the country. The azules were prominent in the cavalry units of the army, including most of the mechanized forces. In 1962 the colorados deposed Frondizi and opposed his constitutional successor, Guido (1962-63), wishing to establish a military government. The azules supported Guido. The intramilitary conflict became increasingly violent throughout 1962, leading to virtual civil war in the streets of Buenos Aires in September 1962. The azules won the battle, and the military supported the election of Illia in 1963. The Ongania government (1966-70) marked a major change in the military's political role. Before 1966 the officers had generally served as arbiters of conflicts among competing groups of civilian politicians. In 1966, however, the military attempted to act as the agent of fundamental social and political change. Virtually all the organized groups of the country-labor unions, political parties, and interest groups-were disbanded as Ongania tried to establish a new corporatist system under military direction (see The National Security Doctrine, ch. 5). Many officers, however, did not support this effort. Some were concerned about Ongania's corporatism and others by the prominent place of Catholic Nationalists in his government. When violent demonstrations broke out after the 1969 riots in Cordoba and terrorism became the dominant mode of political conflict, the military turned to Peron (see The Argentine Revolution, 1966-72, ch. 1). In 1976 the military government of Jorge Rafael Videla aimed to eliminate the political influence of the Peronists, the unions, and all left-wing groups. Virtually the entire upper ranks of the officer corps supported this effort, which was pursued by fighting a guerrilla war against all groups and individuals identified as "subversive." Estimates of the number of people killed during the so-called dirty war range as high as 30,000 (see The National Reorganization Process, 1976-83, ch. 1; The War Against Subversion, ch. 5). Although united in its desire to eradicate the left, the officer corps remained divided on other questions, particularly on economic policy and, ultimately, on the design of the political system it wished to create once the guerrillas had been eliminated. These questions dominated military politics after 1978. Videla's minister of economy, Jose Martinez de Hoz, pursued a policy of opening the economy to imports and foreign investment. Nationalists, particularly those in the navy and the cavalry units, opposed these policies, arguing that they would lead to the destruction of Argentine industry. The army commander, General Roberto Viola, was particularly vocal in his criticism. Junior officers expressed concern for the falling living standards among the working class, which they felt could lead to a new explosion of violence. In December 1980 many Nationalists were promoted, increasing their voice among the upper ranks of the officer corps. The military was also divided, largely along service lines, over their plans for the political future of the country, particularly over the role civilians were to play in making those plans. The air force and the navy felt that the military should design the new political system and impose it, while the army preferred at least some consultation with civilians. The conflicts within the officer corps led to Videla's removal in March 1981 and to the beginning of the transition to civilian rule (see The End of Military Rule, this ch.). Mass Media Generally, the media were independent of the major political forces in the country, including the political parties, and were generally conservative in tone. After the restrictions placed on the media during the 1970s were removed in 1983, a large number of sensationalist tabloids appeared, and artistic expression recovered from the general absence of controversy and innovation that prevailed under military rule. The major national newspapers were published in Buenos Aires. La Nacion, La Prensa, and the Clarin were the most influential newspapers. La Nacion and La Prensa were generally conservative but not linked to any political party. The Clarin was linked to the MID, whose 1983 presidential candidate, Rogelio Frigerio, was its major stockholder. The evening daily, Cronica, generally followed a Peronist line, as did La Voz. The major English-language newspaper was the Buenos Aires Herald. It was known especially for its coverage of human rights violations in defiance of government censorship during the military governments of 1976-83. The government owned Radio Nacional, which operated 26 stations throughout the country, as well as Radiodifusion Argentina al Exterior (RAE), the government's international service. The government also operated four television channels in Buenos Aires, one in Mar del Plata, one in Mendoza, and 26 other relay stations in several interior cities. The electronic media operated under licenses granted by the Federal Broadcast Committee (Comite Federal de Radiodifusion-COMFER), a division of the Secretariat of Public Information (Secretaria de Informacion Publica-SIP). Under the 1976-83 military governments, COMFER issued periodic bulletins that banned certain musical themes and performers from the airwaves. The SIP had responsibility for monitoring the print media. During the military governments, the SIP acted as the government's censor, issuing vaguely worded instructions to editors about prohibited subjects, leaving the editors and reporters to censor themselves. Through the SIP the government maintained a climate of uncertainty and intimidation among editors and reporters by prosecuting those who the SIP felt had transgressed acceptable bounds. The SIP also operated Telam, the official news agency, which, together with the privately owned Noticias Argentinas (Argentine News), supplied most of the news items used by both the electronic and the print media. Most restrictions on the media were removed on return to civilian government in December 1983. Nevertheless, a highly obtuse, indirect style of reporting, in which events were hinted at rather than described, remained the norm.