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$Title{Plutarch's Lives
Part III}
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$Subject{caesar
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caesar's
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time
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$Date{c75}
$Log{See Cleopatra*0095601.scf
}
Title:       Plutarch's Lives
Book:        Caesar
Author:      Plutarch
Date:        c75
Translation: Dryden, Arthur Hugh Clough

Part III

     As soon as Ariminum was taken, wide gates, so to say, were thrown open,
to let in war upon every land alike and sea, and with the limits of the
province, the boundaries of the laws were transgressed. Nor would one have
thought that, as at other times, the mere men and women fled from one town of
Italy to another in their consternation, but that the very towns themselves
left their sites, and fled for succor to each other. The city of Rome was
overrun as it were with a deluge, by the conflux of people flying in from all
the neighboring place. Magistrates could no longer govern, nor the eloquence
of any orator quiet it; it was all but suffering shipwreck by the violence of
its own tempestuous agitation. The most vehement contrary passions and
impulses were at work every where. Nor did those who rejoiced at the prospect
of the change altogether conceal their feelings, but when they met, as in so
great a city they frequently must, with the alarmed and dejected of the other
party, they provoked quarrels by their bold expressions of confidence in the
event. Pompey, sufficiently disturbed of himself, was yet more perplexed by
the clamors of others; some telling him that he justly suffered for having
armed Caesar against himself and the government; others blaming him for
permitting Caesar to be insolently used by Lentulus, when he made such ample
concessions, and offered such reasonable proposals towards an accommodation.
Favonius bade him now stamp upon the ground; for once talking big in the
senate, he desired them not to trouble themselves about making any
preparations for the war, for that he himself, with one stamp of his foot,
would fill all Italy with soldiers. Yet still Pompey at that time had more
forces than Caesar; but he was not permitted to pursue his own thoughts, but
being continually disturbed with false reports and alarms, as if the enemy was
close upon him and carrying all before him, he gave way, and let himself be
borne down by the general cry. He put forth an edict declaring the city to be
in a state of anarchy, and left it with orders that the senate should follow
him, and that no one should stay behind who did not prefer tyranny to their
country and liberty.

     The consuls at once fled, without making even the usual sacrifices; so
did most of the senators, carrying off their own goods in as much haste as if
they had been robbing their neighbors. Some, who had formerly much favored
Caesar's cause, in the prevailing alarm, quitted their own sentiments, and
without any prospect of good to themselves, were carried along by the common
stream. It was a melancholy thing to see the city tossed in these tumults,
like a ship given up by her pilots, and left to run, as chance guides her,
upon any rock in her way. Yet, in spite of their sad condition, people still
esteemed the place of their exile to be their country for Pompey's sake, and
fled from Rome, as if it had been Caesar's camp. Labienus even, who had been
one of Caesar's nearest friends, and his lieutenant, and who had fought by him
zealously in the Gallic wars, now deserted him, and went over to Pompey.
Caesar sent all his money and equipage after him, and then sat down before
Corfinium, which was garrisoned with thirty cohorts under the command of
Domitius. He, in despair of maintaining the defence, requested a physician,
whom he had among his attendants, to give him poison; and taking the dose,
drank it, in hopes of being dispatched by it. But soon after, when he was told
that Caesar showed the utmost clemency towards those he took prisoners, he
lamented his misfortune, and blamed the hastiness of his resolution. His
physician consoled him, by informing him that he had taken a sleeping draught,
not a poison; upon which, much rejoiced, and rising from his bed, he went
presently to Caesar, and gave him the pledge of his hand, yet afterwards again
went over to Pompey. The report of these actions at Rome, quieted those who
were there, and some who had fled thence returned. Caesar took into his army
Domitius' soldiers, as he did all those whom he found in any town enlisted for
Pompey's service. Being now strong and formidable enough, he advanced against
Pompey himself, who did not stay to receive him, but fled to Brundisium,
having sent the consuls before with a body of troops of Dyrrhachium. Soon
after, upon Caesar's approach, he set to sea, as shall be more particularly
related in his Life. Caesar would have immediately pursued him, but wanted
shipping, and therefore went back to Rome, having made himself master of all
Italy without bloodshed in the space of sixty days. When he came thither, he
found the city more quiet than he expected, and many senators present, to whom
he addressed himself with courtesy and deference, desiring them to send to
Pompey about any reasonable accommodations towards a peace. But nobody
complied with this proposal; whether out of fear of Pompey, whom they had
deserted, or that they thought Caesar did not mean what he said, but thought
it his interest to talk plausibly. Afterwards, when Metellus, the tribune,
would have hindered him from taking money out of the public treasure, and
adduced some laws against it, Caesar replied, that arms and laws had each
their own time; "If what I do displeases you, leave the place; war allows no
free talking. When I have laid down my arms, and made peace, come back and
make what speeches you please. And this," he added, "I will tell you in
diminution of my own just right, as indeed you and all others who have
appeared against me and are now in my power, may be treated as I please."
Having said this to Metellus, he went to the doors of the treasury, and the
keys being not to be found, sent for smiths to force them open. Metellus again
making resistance, and some encouraging him in it, Caesar, in a louder tone,
told him he would put him to death, if he gave him any further disturbance.
"And this," said he, "you know, young man, is more disagreeable for me to say,
than to do." These words made Metellus withdraw for fear, and obtained speedy
execution henceforth for all orders that Caesar gave for procuring necessaries
for the war.

     He was now proceeding to Spain, with the determination of first crushing
Afranius and Varro, Pompey's lieutenants, and making himself master of the
armies and provinces under them, that he might then more securely advance
against Pompey, when he had no enemy left behind him. In this expedition his
person was often in danger from ambuscades, and his army by want of
provisions, yet he did not desist from pursuing the enemy, provoking them to
fight, and hemming them with his fortifications, till by main force he made
himself master of their camps and their forces. Only the generals got off, and
fled to Pompey.

     When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso, his father-in-law, advised him to
send men to Pompey, to treat of a peace; but Isauricus, to ingratiate himself
with Caesar, spoke against it. After this, being created dictator by the
senate, he called home the exiles, and gave back their rights as citizens to
the children of those who had suffered under Sylla; he relieved the debtors by
an act remitting some part of the interest on their debts, and passed some
other measures of the same sort, but not many. For within eleven days he
resigned his dictatorship, and having declared himself consul, with Servilius
Isauricus, hastened again to the war. He marched so fast, that he left all his
army behind him, except six hundred chosen horse, and five legions, with which
he put to sea in the very middle of winter, about the beginning of the month
January, (which corresponds pretty nearly with the Athenian month Posideon),
and having past the Ionian Sea, took Oricum and Apollonia, and then sent back
the ships to Brundisium, to bring over the soldiers who were left behind in
the march. They, while yet on the march, their bodies now no longer in the
full vigor of youth, and they themselves weary with such a multitude of wars,
could not but exclaim against Caesar, "When at last, and where, will this
Caesar let us be quiet? He carries us from place to place, and uses us as if
we were not to be worn out, and had no sense of labor. Even our iron itself is
spent by blows, and we ought to have some pity on our bucklers and
breastplates, which have been used so long. Our wounds, if nothing else,
should make him see that we are mortal men, whom he commands, subject to the
same pains and sufferings as other human beings. The very gods themselves
cannot force the winter season, or hinder the storms in their time; yet he
pushes forward, as if he were not pursuing, but flying from an enemy." So they
talked as they marched leisurely towards Brundisium. But when they came
thither, and found Caesar gone off before them, their feelings changed, and
they blamed themselves as traitors to their general. They now railed at their
officers for marching so slowly, and placing themselves on the heights
overlooking the sea towards Epirus, they kept watch to see if they could espy
the vessels which were to transport them to Caesar.

     He in the mean time was posted in Apollonia, but had not an army with him
able to fight the enemy, the forces from Brundisium being so long in coming,
which put him to great suspense and embarrassment what to do. At last he
resolved upon a most hazardous experiment, and embarked, without any one's
knowledge, in a boat of twelve oars, to cross over to Brundisium, though the
sea was at that time covered with a vast fleet of the enemies. He got on board
in the night time, in the dress of a slave, and throwing himself down like a
person of no consequence, lay along at the bottom of the vessel. The river
Anius ^7 was to carry them down to sea, and there used to blow a gentle gale
every morning from the land, which made it calm at the mouth of the river, by
driving the waves forward; but this night there had blown a strong wind from
the sea, which overpowered that from the land, so that where the river met the
influx of the sea-water and the opposition of the waves, it was extremely
rough and angry; and the current was beaten back with such a violent swell,
that the master of the boat could not make good his passage, but ordered his
sailors to tack about and return. Caesar, upon this, discovers himself, and
taking the man by the hand, who was surprised to see him there, said, "Go on,
my friend, and fear nothing; you carry Caesar and his fortune in your boat."
The mariners, when they heard that, forgot the storm, and laying all their
strength to their oars, did what they could to force their way down the river.
But when it was to no purpose, and the vessel now took in much water, Caesar
finding himself in such danger in the very mouth of the river, much against
his will permitted the master to turn back. When he was come to land, his
soldiers ran to him in a multitude, reproaching him for what he had done, and
indignant that he should think himself not strong enough to get a victory by
their sole assistance, but must disturb himself, and expose his life for those
who were absent, as if he could not trust those who were with him.

[Footnote 7: The Aous or Aeas.]

     After this, Antony came over with the forces from Brundisium, which
encouraged Caesar to give Pompey battle, though he was encamped very
advantageously, and furnished with plenty of provisions both by sea and land,
whilst he himself was at the beginning but ill-supplied, and before the end
was extremely pinched for want of necessaries, so that his soldiers were
forced to dig up a kind of root which grew there, and tempering it with milk,
to feed on it. Sometimes they made a kind of bread of it, and advancing up to
the enemy's outposts, would throw in these loaves, telling them, that as long
as the earth produced such roots they would not give up blockading Pompey. But
Pompey took what care he could, that neither the loaves nor the words should
reach his men, who were out of heart and despondent, through terror at the
fierceness and hardiness of their enemies, whom they looked upon as a sort of
wild beasts. There were continual skirmishes about Pompey's outworks, in all
which Caesar had the better, except one, when his men were forced to fly in
such a manner that he had like to have lost his camp. For Pompey made such a
vigorous sally on them that not a man stood his ground; the trenches were
filled with the slaughter, many fell upon their own ramparts and bulwarks,
whither they were driven in flight by the enemy. Caesar met them, and would
have turned them back, but could not. When he went to lay hold of the ensigns,
those who carried them threw them down, so that the enemies took thirty-two of
them. He himself narrowly escaped; for taking hold of one of his soldiers, a
big and strong man, that was flying by him, he bade him stand and face about;
but the fellow, full of apprehensions from the danger he was in, laid hold of
his sword, as if he would strike Caesar, but Caesar's armor-bearer cut off his
arm. Caesar's affairs were so desperate at that time, that when Pompey, either
through over-cautiousness, or his ill fortune, did not give the finishing
stroke to that great success, but retreated after he had driven the routed
enemy within their camp, Caesar, upon seeing his withdrawal, said to his
friends, "The victory to-day had been on the enemies' side, if they had had a
general who knew how to gain it." When he was retired into his tent, he laid
himself down to sleep, but spent that night as miserably as ever he did any,
in perplexity and consideration with himself, coming to the conclusion that he
had conducted the war amiss. For when he had a fertile country before him, and
all the wealthy cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry
the war thither, and had sat down by the seaside, where his enemies had such a
powerful fleet, so that he was in fact rather besieged by the want of
necessaries, than besieging others with his arms. Being thus distracted in his
thoughts with the view of the difficulty and distress he was in, he raised his
camp, with the intention of advancing towards Scipio, who lay in Macedonia;
hoping either to entice Pompey into a country where he should fight without
the advantage he now had of supplies from the sea, or to overpower Scipio, if
not assisted.

     This set all Pompey's army and officers on fire to hasten and pursue
Caesar, whom they concluded to be beaten and flying. But Pompey was afraid to
hazard a battle on which so much depended, and being himself provided with all
necessaries for any length of time, thought to tire out and waste the vigor of
Caesar's army, which could not last long. For the best part of his men, though
they had great experience, and showed an irresistible courage in all
engagements, yet by their frequent marches, changing their camps, ^8 attacking
fortifications, and keeping long night-watches, were getting worn-out and
broken; they being now old, their bodies less fit for labor, and their
courage, also, beginning to give way with the failure of their strength.
Besides, it was said that an infectious disease, occasioned by their irregular
diet, was prevailing in Caesar's army, and what was of greatest moment, he was
neither furnished with money nor provisions, so that in a little time he must
needs fall of himself.

[Footnote 8: Or, perhaps more probably, "raising fortifications," which had
been very much their occupation latterly. Up to this point the campaign had
been a war of intrenchments.]

     For these reasons Pompey had no mind to fight him, but was thanked for it
by none but Cato, who rejoiced at the prospect of sparing his fellow citizens.
For he when he saw the dead bodies of those who had fallen in the last battle
on Caesar's side, to the number of a thousand, turned away, covered his face,
and shed tears. But every one else upbraided Pompey for being reluctant to
fight, and tried to goad him on by such nicknames as Agamemnon, and king of
kings, as if he were in no hurry to lay down his sovereign authority, but was
pleased to see so many commanders attending on him, and paying their
attendance at his tent. Favonius, who affected Cato's free way of speaking his
mind, complained bitterly that they should eat no figs even this year at
Tusculum, because of Pompey's love of command. Afranius, who was lately
returned out of Spain, and on account of his ill success there, labored under
the suspicion of having been bribed to betray the army, asked why they did not
fight this purchaser of provinces. Pompey was driven, against his own will, by
this kind of language, into offering battle, and proceeded to follow Caesar.
Caesar had found great difficulties in his march, for no country would supply
him with provisions, his reputation being very much fallen since his late
defeat. But after he took Gomphi, a town of Thessaly, he not only found
provisions for his army, but physic too. For there they met with plenty of
wine, which they took very freely, and heated with this, sporting and
revelling on their march in bacchanalian fashion, they shook off the disease,
and their whole constitution was relieved and changed into another habit.

     When the two armies were come into Pharsalia, ^9 and both encamped there,
Pompey's thoughts ran the same way as they had done before, against fighting,
and the more because of some unlucky presages, and a vision he had in a dream.
^10 But those who were about him were so confident of success, that Domitius,
and Spinther, and Scipio, as if they had already conquered, quarrelled which
should succeed Caesar in the pontificate. And many sent to Rome to take houses
fit to accommodate consuls and praetors, as being sure of entering upon those
offices, as soon as the battle was over. The cavalry especially were obstinate
for fighting, being splendidly armed and bravely mounted, and valuing
themselves upon the fine horses they kept, and upon their own handsome
persons; as also upon the advantage of their numbers, for they were five
thousand against one thousand of Caesar's. Nor were the numbers of the
infantry less disproportionate, there being forty-five thousand of Pompey's,
against twenty-two thousand of the enemy.

[Footnote 9: "Into Pharsalia," is properly "into the territory of the town of
Pharsalus," and in other passages where the battle is mentioned in the
translation by the name, as the Romans use it, of Pharsalia, the Greek is
Pharsalus.]

[Footnote 10: Here follows the words, "He fancied he saw himself in the
theatre, receiving the plaudits of the people." Either the text is incomplete,
and the remainder of the description has been lost, or else it is the
imperfect explanation added in the margin by an annotator. The full account is
given in the Life of Pompey.]

     Caesar, collecting his soldiers together, told them that Corfinius ^11
was coming up to them with two legions, and that fifteen cohorts more under
Calenus were posted at Megara and Athens; he then asked them whether they
would stay till these joined them, or would hazard the battle by themselves.
They all cried out to him not to wait, but on the contrary to do whatever he
could to bring about an engagement as soon as possible. When he sacrificed to
the gods for the lustration of his army, upon the death of the first victim,
the augur told him, within three days he should come to a decisive action.
Caesar asked him whether he saw any thing in the entrails, which promised an
happy event. "That," said the priest, "you can best answer yourself; for the
gods signify a great alteration from the present posture of affairs. If,
therefore, you think yourself well off now, expect worse fortune; if unhappy,
hope for better." The night before the battle, as he walked the rounds about
midnight, there was a light seen in the heaven, very bright and flaming, which
seemed to pass over Caesar's camp, and fall into Pompey's. And when Caesar's
soldiers came to relieve the watch in the morning, they perceived a panic
disorder among the enemies. However, he did not expect to fight that day, but
set about raising his camp with the intention of marching towards Scotussa.

[Footnote 11: Cornificius.]

     But when the tents were now taken down, his scouts rode up to him, and
told him the enemy would give him battle. With this news he was extremely
pleased, and having performed his devotions to the gods, set his army in
battle array, dividing them into three bodies. Over the middlemost he placed
Domitius Calvinus; Antony commanded the left wing, and he himself the right,
being resolved to fight at the head of the tenth legion. But when he saw the
enemy's cavalry taking position against him, being struck with their fine
appearance and their number, he gave private orders that six cohorts from the
rear of the army should come round and join him, whom he posted behind the
right wing, and instructed them what they should do, when the enemy's horse
came to charge. On the other side, Pompey commanded the right wing, Domitius
the left, and Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, the centre. The whole weight of
the cavalry was collected on the left wing, with the intent that they should
outflank the right wing of the enemy, and rout that part where the general
himself commanded. For they thought no phalanx of infantry could be solid
enough to sustain such a shock, but that they must necessarily be broken and
shattered all to pieces upon the onset of so immense a force of cavalry. When
they were ready on both sides to give the signal for battle, Pompey commanded
his foot who were in the front, to stand their ground, and without breaking
their order, receive quietly the enemy's first attack, till they came within
javelin's cast. Caesar, in this respect, also, blames Pompey's generalship, as
if he had not been aware how the first encounter, when made with an impetus
and upon the run, gives weight and force to the strokes, and fires the men's
spirits into a flame, which the general concurrence fans to full heat. He
himself was just putting the troops into motion and advancing to the action,
when he found one of his captains, a trusty and experienced soldier,
encouraging his men to exert their utmost. Caesar called him by his name, and
said, "What hopes, Caius Crassinius, and what grounds for encouragement?"
Crassinius stretched out his hand, and cried in a loud voice, "We shall
conquer nobly, Caesar; and I this day will deserve your praises, either alive
or dead." So he said, and was the first man to run in upon the enemy, followed
by the hundred and twenty soldiers about him, and breaking through the first
rank, still pressed on forwards with much slaughter of the enemy, till at last
he was struck back by the wound of a sword, which went in at his mouth with
such force that it came out at his neck behind.

     Whilst the foot was thus sharply engaged in the main battle, on the flank
Pompey's horse rode up confidently, and opened their ranks very wide, that
they might surround the right wing of Caesar. But before they engaged,
Caesar's cohorts rushed out and attacked them, and did not dart their javelins
at a distance, nor strike at the thighs and legs, as they usually did in close
battle, but aimed at their faces. For thus Caesar had instructed them, in
hopes that young gentlemen, who had not known much of battles and wounds, but
came wearing their hair long, in the flower of their age and height of their
beauty, would be more apprehensive of such blows, and not care for hazarding
both a danger at present and a blemish for the future. And so it proved, for
they were so far from bearing the stroke of the javelins, that they could not
stand the sight of them, but turned about, and covered their faces to secure
them. Once in disorder, presently they turned about to fly; and so most
shamefully ruined all. For those who had beat them back, at once outflanked
the infantry, and falling on their rear, cut them to pieces. Pompey, who
commanded the other wing of the army, when he saw his cavalry thus broken and
flying, was no longer himself, nor did he now remember that he was Pompey the
Great, but like one whom some god had deprived of his senses, retired to his
tent without speaking a word, and there sat to expect the event, till the
whole army was routed, and the enemy appeared upon the works which were thrown
up before the camp, where they closely engaged with his men, who were posted
there to defend it. Then first he seemed to have recovered his senses, and
uttering, it is said, only these words, "What, into the camp too?" he laid
aside his general's habit, and putting on such clothes as might best favor his
flight, stole off. What fortune he met with afterwards, how he took shelter in
Egypt, and was murdered there, we tell you in his Life.

     Caesar, when he came to view Pompey's camp, and saw some of his opponents
dead upon the ground, others dying, said, with a groan, "This they would have;
they brought me to this necessity. I, Caius Caesar, after succeeding in so
many wars, had been condemned, had I dismissed my army." ^12 These words,
Pollio says, Caesar spoke in Latin at that time, and that he himself wrote
them in Greek; adding, that those who were killed at the taking of the camp,
were most of them servants; and that not above six thousand soldiers fell.
Caesar incorporated most of the foot whom he took prisoners, with his own
legions, and gave a free pardon to many of the distinguished persons, and
amongst the rest, to Brutus, who afterwards killed him. He did not immediately
appear after the battle was over, which put Caesar, it is said, into great
anxiety for him; nor was his pleasure less when he saw him present himself
alive.

[Footnote 12: "Hoc voluerunt; tantis rebus gestis C. Caesar condemnatus essem,
nisi ab exercitu auxilium petissem," quoted from Asinius Pollio, by
Suetonius.]

     There were many prodigies that foreshowed this victory, but the most
remarkable that we are told of, was that at Tralles. In the temple of Victory
stood Caesar's statue. The ground on which it stood was naturally hard and
solid, and the stone with which it was paved still harder; yet it is said that
a palm-tree shot itself up near the pedestal of this statue. In the city of
Padua, one Caius Cornelius, who had the character of a good augur, the
fellow-citizen and acquaintance of Livy, the historian, happened to be making
some augural observations that very day when the battle was fought. And first,
as Livy tells us, he pointed out the time of the fight, and said to those who
were by him, that just then the battle was begun, and the men engaged. When he
looked a second time, and observed the omens, he leaped up as if he had been
inspired, and cried out, "Caesar, you are victorious." This much surprised the
standers by, but he took the garland which he had on from his head, and swore
he would never wear it again till the event should give authority to his art.
This Livy positively states for a truth.

     Caesar, as a memorial of his victory, gave the Thessalians their freedom,
and then went in pursuit of Pompey. When he was come into Asia, to gratify
Theopompus, the author of the collection of fables, he enfranchised the
Cnidians, and remitted one third of their tribute to all the people of the
province of Asia. When he came to Alexandria, where Pompey was already
murdered, he would look upon Theodotus, who presented him with his head, but
taking only his signet, shed tears. Those of Pompey's friends who had been
arrested by the king of Egypt, as they were wandering in those parts, he
relieved, and offered them his own friendship. In his letter to his friends at
Rome, he told them that the greatest and most signal pleasure his victory had
given him, was to be able continually to save the lives of fellow-citizens who
fought against him. As to the war in Egypt, some say it was at once dangerous
and dishonorable, and noways necessary, but occasioned only by his passion for
Cleopatra. Others blame the ministers of the king, and especially the eunuch
Pothinus, who was the chief favorite, and had lately killed Pompey, who had
banished Cleopatra, and was now secretly plotting Caesar's destruction, (to
prevent which, Caesar from that time began to sit up whole nights, under
pretence of drinking, for the security of his person), while openly he was
intolerable in his affronts to Caesar, both by his words and actions. For when
Caesar's soldiers had musty and unwholesome corn measured out to them,
Pothinus told them they must be content with it, since they were fed at
another's cost. He ordered that his table should be served with wooden and
earthen dishes, and said Caesar had carried off all the gold and silver plate,
under pretence of arrears of debt. For the present king's father owed Caesar
one thousand seven hundred and fifty myriads of money; Caesar had formerly
remitted to his children the rest, but thought fit to demand the thousand
myriads at that time, to maintain his army. Pothinus told him that he had
better go now and attend to his other affairs of greater consequence, and that
he should receive his money at another time with thanks. Caesar replied that
he did not want Egyptians to be his counsellors, and soon after privately sent
for Cleopatra from her retirement.

[See Cleopatra: Cleopatra experimenting with poison. From the painting by
Alexandre Cabanel.]

     She took a small boat, and one only of her confidents, Apollodorus, the
Sicilian, along with her, and in the dusk of the evening landed near the
palace. She was at a loss how to get in undiscovered, till she thought of
putting herself into the coverlet of a bed and lying at length, whilst
Apollodorus tied up the bedding and carried it on his back through the gates
to Caesar's apartment. Caesar was first captivated by this proof of
Cleopatra's bold wit, and was afterwards so overcome by the charm of her
society, that he made a reconciliation between her and her brother, on
condition that she should rule as his colleague in the kingdom. A festival was
kept to celebrate this reconciliation, where Caesar's barber, a busy,
listening fellow, whose excessive timidity made him inquisitive into every
thing, discovered that there was a plot carrying on against Caesar by
Achillas, general of the king's forces, and Pothinus, the eunuch. Caesar, upon
the first intelligence of it, set a guard upon the hall where the feast was
kept, and killed Pothinus. Achillas escaped to the army, and raised a
troublesome and embarrassing war against Caesar, which it was not easy for him
to manage with his few soldiers against so powerful a city and so large an
army. The first difficulty he met was want of water, for the enemies had
turned the canals. ^13 Another was, when the enemy endeavored to cut off his
communication by sea, he was forced to divert that danger by setting fire to
his own ships, which, after burning the docks, thence spread on and destroyed
the great library. A third was, when in an engagement near Pharos, he leaped
from the mole into a small boat, to assist his soldiers who were in danger,
and when the Egyptians pressed him on every side, he threw himself into the
sea, and with much difficulty swam off. This was the time when, according to
the story, he had a number of manuscripts in his hand, which, though he was
continually darted at, and forced to keep his head often under water, yet he
did not let go, but held them up safe from wetting in one hand, whilst he swam
with the other. His boat, in the mean time, was quickly sunk. At last, the
king having gone off to Achillas and his party, Caesar engaged and conquered
them. Many fell in that battle, and the king himself was never seen after.
Upon this, he left Cleopatra queen of Egypt, who soon after had a son by him,
whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion, and then departed for Syria.

[Footnote 13: By which Alexandria, there being no springs, was wholly
supplied.]

     Thence he passed to Asia, where he heard that Domitius was beaten by
Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, and had fled out of Pontus with a handful of
men; and that Pharnaces pursued the victory so eagerly, that though he was
already master of Bithynia and Cappadocia, he had a further design of
attempting the Lesser Armenia, and was inviting all the kings and tetrarchs
there to rise. Caesar immediately marched against him with three legions,
fought him near Zela, drove him out of Pontus, and totally defeated his army.
When he gave Amantius, a friend of his at Rome, an account of this action, to
express the promptness and rapidity of it, he used three words, I came, saw
and conquered, which in Latin ^14 having all the same cadence, carry with them
a very suitable brevity.

[Footnote 14: Veni, Vidi, Vici. A tablet with this inscription was displayed
in the triumph which was afterwards celebrated for this war. Amantius does not
seem to be a true Roman name. It has been corrected into Caius Matius, a
well-known friend of Caesar's.]

     Hence he crossed into Italy, and come to Rome at the end of that year,
for which he had been a second time chosen dictator, though that office had
never before lasted a whole year, and was elected consul for the next. He was
ill spoken of, because upon a mutiny of some soldiers, who killed Cosconius
and Galba, who had been praetors, he gave them only the slight reprimand of
calling them Citizens, instead of Fellow-Soldiers, and afterwards assigned to
each man a thousand drachmas, besides a share of lands in Italy. He was also
reflected on for Dolabella's extravagance, Amantius' covetousness, Antony's
debauchery, and Corfinius' profuseness, who pulled down Pompey's house, and
rebuilt it, as not magnificent enough; for the Romans were much displeased
with all these. But Caesar, for the prosecution of his own scheme of
government, though he knew their characters and disapproved them, was forced
to make use of those who would serve him.

     After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio fled into Africa, and
there, with the assistance of king Juba, got together a considerable force,
which Caesar resolved to engage. He, accordingly, passed into Sicily about the
winter-solstice, and to remove from his officers' minds all hopes of delay
there, encamped by the sea-shore, and as soon as ever he had a fair wind, put
to sea with three thousand foot and a few horse. When he had landed them, he
went back secretly, under some apprehensions for the larger part of his army,
but met them upon the sea, and brought them all to the same camp. There he was
informed that the enemies relied much upon ancient oracle, that the family of
the Scipios should be always victorious in Africa. There was in his army a
man, otherwise mean and contemptible, but of the house of the Africani, and
his name Scipio Sallutio. This man Caesar, (whether in raillery, to ridicule
Scipio, who commanded the enemy, or seriously to bring over the omen to his
side, it were hard to say), put at the head of his troops, as if he were
general, in all the frequent battles which he was compelled to fight. For he
was in such want both of victualling for his men, and forage for his horses,
that he was forced to feed the horses with sea-weed, which he washed
thoroughly to take off its saltness, and mixed with a little grass, to give it
a more agreeable taste. The Numidians, in great numbers, and well horsed,
whenever he went, came up and commanded the country. Caesar's cavalry being
one day unemployed, diverted themselves with seeing an African, who
entertained them with dancing and at the same time playing upon the pipe to
admiration. They were so taken with this, that they alighted, and gave their
horses to some boys, when on a sudden the enemy surrounded them, killed some,
pursued the rest, and fell in with them into their camp; and had not Caesar,
himself and Asinius Pollio come to their assistance, and put a stop to their
light, the war had been then at an end. In another engagement, also, the enemy
had again the better, when Caesar, it is said, seized a standard-bearer, who
as running away, by the neck, and forcing him to face about, said, "Look, that
is the way to the enemy."

     Scipio, flushed with this success at first, had a mind to come to one
decisive action. He therefore left Afranius and Juba in two distinct bodies
not far distant, and marched himself toward Thapsus, where he proceeded to
build a fortified camp above a lake, to serve as a centre-point for their
operations, and also as a place of refuge. Whilst Scipio was thus employed,
Caesar with incredible despatch made his way through thick woods, and a
country supposed to be impassable, cut off one party of the enemy, and
attacked another in the front. Having routed these, he followed up his
opportunity and the current of his good fortune, and on the first onset
carried Afranius' camp, and ravaged that of the Numidians, Juba, their king,
being glad to save himself by flight; so that in a small part of a single day
he made himself master of three camps, and killed fifty thousand of the enemy,
with the loss only of fifty of his own men. This is the account some give of
that fight. Others say, he was not in the action, but that he was taken with
his usual distemper just as he was setting his army in order. He perceived the
approaches of it, and before it had too far disordered his senses, when he was
already beginning to shake under its influence, withdrew into a neighboring
fort, where he reposed himself. Of the men of consular and praetorian dignity
that were taken after the fight, several Caesar put to death, others
anticipated him by killing themselves.

     Cato had undertaken to defend Utica, and for that reason was not in the
battle. The desire which Caesar had to take him alive, made him hasten
thither; and upon the intelligence that he had despatched himself, he was much
discomposed, for what reason is not so well agreed. He certainly said, "Cato,
I must grudge you your death, as you grudged me the honor of saving your
life." Yet the discourse he wrote against Cato after his death, is no great
sign of his kindness, or that he was inclined to be reconciled to him. For how
is it probable that he would have been tender of his life, when he was so
bitter against his memory? But from his clemency to Cicero, Brutus, and many
others who fought against him, it may be divined that Caesar's book was not
written so much out of animosity to Cato, as in his own vindication. Cicero
had written an encomium upon Cato, and called it by his name. A composition by
so great a master upon so excellent a subject, was sure to be in every one's
hands. This touched Caesar, who looked upon a panegyric on his enemy, as no
better than an invective against himself; and therefore he made in his
Anti-Cato, a collection of whatever could be said in his derogation. The two
compositions, like Cato and Caesar themselves, have each of them their several
admirers.